上
周,中国决定不阻止联合国安理会(United Nations Security Council)授权向利比亚发动袭击的决议,同时对向利比亚使用武力“表示遗憾”。中国长期奉行不干涉他国内政的外交政策,此次少见的默许态度令它更加偏离这种政策。多国部队向利比亚发动攻击后,中国政府发表声明说,中方一贯不赞成在国际关系中使用武力。此次袭击是欧洲牵头的在利比亚设立禁飞区以及动摇对利比亚强权人物卡扎菲(Col. Moammar Gadhafi)支持的行动的一部分。
分析人士说,中国上周四决定不反对联合国安理会通过对利比亚使用武力的决议表明,随着中国全球利益日益广泛和复杂,其外交策略在发生变化。
过去,中国只在某国违反国际防止核扩散条约或侵略其他国家时,对制裁该国或对其使用武力投过弃权票或赞成票。例如在1990年11月,伊拉克在海湾战争中入侵科威特,中国对授权向伊拉克使用武力的678号决议投了弃权票。
但中国分析人士说,他们不记得中国有赞成通过仅基于人道主义问题的安理会决议的先例。事实上,中国曾多次使用其否决权阻止或削弱安理会针对津巴布韦、缅甸和苏丹等国违反人权采取的措施。
2月,中国对安理会制裁利比亚的决议投了赞成票,显示出这次它的外交策略可能会不同的迹象。
但中国对支持使用武力的决议的意愿不明确,中国官员公开强调,必须通过“和平手段”解决利比亚的危机,尊重利比亚的“主权和领土完整”。
在美、法等国部队组成的联军对卡扎菲部队发动袭击后,班加西城郊的主干道上到处是燃烧着的汽车和遇难者的尸体。
时殷弘说,中国在上周表决中扮演的角色,符合联合国内部一国屈从于其他成员国要求的新现象。时殷弘说,某项措施提出来之后,中国首先是极不情愿,然后跟其他国家进行一些磋商,再在一定程度上修正立场。
分析人士说,中国在联合国行为的演变,部分原因在于经济实力增强,以及它的全球关系网络伴随着中国企业的海外扩张而越来越大。这样,其他国家的内部事务就关系到了中国的利益。
在利比亚营业的中国企业有数十家。暴力升级、中国政府展开撤侨行动以前,在利比亚生活的中国公民接近3.6万人。现在,在美国等其他大国参与解决的危机当中,让人觉得中国是在发挥一种建设性作用,就变得更加重要。
奥巴马政府前国家情报总监丹尼斯•布莱尔(Dennis Blair)周五在北京接受采访说,中国过去严格奉行不干预政策,现在他们对自己的利益是什么有着一种更加成熟的看法。布莱尔上周是在北京同中国能源官员会面。
上海复旦大学国际关系学教授沈丁立说,在这次关于利比亚的表决之后,中国有可能被视为奉行双重标准,因为它心照不宣地支持对利比亚的军事干预,但在更接近本国领土的事务中,却继续反对干预。他说,中国应当奉行一个原则。
Brian Spegele
(本文版权归道琼斯公司所有,未经许可不得翻译或转载。)
China 'expressed regret' over the use of military force in Libya even as it decided last week not to block authorization of the strikes at the United Nations Security Council. China's rare acquiescence moved it further away from its longstanding foreign policy based on non-intervention.
'The Chinese side has always opposed the use of military force in international relations,' a government statement said after military strikes against Libya. The attacks are part of a European-led effort to establish a no-fly zone over the country and shake support for Libyan strongman Col. Moammar Gadhafi.
Analysts said the government's decision Thursday not to veto for a Security Council resolution to approve the use of force in Libya reflects changes in Beijing's diplomatic strategy as its global interests become more extensive and complex.
China has in the past abstained or voted in favor of sanctions or military force only in cases where countries violated international nonproliferation rules or invaded another country. Beijing abstained, for example, in the vote on Resolution 678 in November 1990 authorizing the use of force against Iraq for its occupation of Kuwait in the Gulf War.
But Chinese analysts said they couldn't recall a previous instance where China had allowed the Security Council to pass a resolution based on humanitarian concerns alone. In fact, China has used its veto power frequently to block or dilute Security Council measures targeting countries like Zimbabwe, Myanmar and Sudan for human rights violations.
China signaled that its approach in Libya's case might be different in February, when it voted in favor of a Security Council sanctions resolution on Libya.
But its willingness to allow a resolution on the use of force was unclear, with Chinese officials emphasizing publicly the need for a 'peaceful solution' to the crisis that respected Libya's 'sovereignty and territorial integrity.'
Shi Yinhong, a scholar of international affairs at Renmin University in Beijing, said that the speed of recent events in Libya likely drove Beijing's acquiescence. As pro-Gadhafi forces secured a string of victories against rebels over the last week, China faced increasing pressure from other Security Council members not to block the resolution, diminishing its ability to bargain and forcing it to make a decision quickly.
Mr. Shi said China's role in last week's vote was part of an emerging pattern at the U.N. of succumbing to demands by other member states. 'At first China is extremely reluctant' about a proposed measure, 'then they have some consultations with . . . other countries, and China revises its position to some degree,' Mr. Shi said.
Beijing's evolving behavior at the U.N. is driven partly by its rising economic power and its widening web of global ties as Chinese companies expand internationally, analysts say. That gives it a vested interest in the internal affairs of other countries.
Dozens of Chinese companies operate in Libya, where nearly 36,000 Chinese citizens lived before being extracted by China's government when the violence flared up. It is now more important for China to be seen as playing a constructive role in crises involving other major powers like the U.S.
'China used to have a rigid non-interference policy,' Dennis Blair, the Obama administration's former Director of National Intelligence, said in an interview Friday in Beijing, where he has been meeting with Chinese energy officials last week. 'Now, they are taking a more mature, sophisticated view of what their interests are.'
Beijing risks being seen as having a double standard in the wake of the Libya vote, said Shen Dingli, a professor of international relations at Fudan University in Shanghai, as it tacitly supports military intervention against Libya but continues to oppose it in matters closer to home. 'China should have one principle,' he said.
Brian Spegele
'The Chinese side has always opposed the use of military force in international relations,' a government statement said after military strikes against Libya. The attacks are part of a European-led effort to establish a no-fly zone over the country and shake support for Libyan strongman Col. Moammar Gadhafi.
Analysts said the government's decision Thursday not to veto for a Security Council resolution to approve the use of force in Libya reflects changes in Beijing's diplomatic strategy as its global interests become more extensive and complex.
China has in the past abstained or voted in favor of sanctions or military force only in cases where countries violated international nonproliferation rules or invaded another country. Beijing abstained, for example, in the vote on Resolution 678 in November 1990 authorizing the use of force against Iraq for its occupation of Kuwait in the Gulf War.
But Chinese analysts said they couldn't recall a previous instance where China had allowed the Security Council to pass a resolution based on humanitarian concerns alone. In fact, China has used its veto power frequently to block or dilute Security Council measures targeting countries like Zimbabwe, Myanmar and Sudan for human rights violations.
China signaled that its approach in Libya's case might be different in February, when it voted in favor of a Security Council sanctions resolution on Libya.
But its willingness to allow a resolution on the use of force was unclear, with Chinese officials emphasizing publicly the need for a 'peaceful solution' to the crisis that respected Libya's 'sovereignty and territorial integrity.'
Shi Yinhong, a scholar of international affairs at Renmin University in Beijing, said that the speed of recent events in Libya likely drove Beijing's acquiescence. As pro-Gadhafi forces secured a string of victories against rebels over the last week, China faced increasing pressure from other Security Council members not to block the resolution, diminishing its ability to bargain and forcing it to make a decision quickly.
Mr. Shi said China's role in last week's vote was part of an emerging pattern at the U.N. of succumbing to demands by other member states. 'At first China is extremely reluctant' about a proposed measure, 'then they have some consultations with . . . other countries, and China revises its position to some degree,' Mr. Shi said.
Beijing's evolving behavior at the U.N. is driven partly by its rising economic power and its widening web of global ties as Chinese companies expand internationally, analysts say. That gives it a vested interest in the internal affairs of other countries.
Dozens of Chinese companies operate in Libya, where nearly 36,000 Chinese citizens lived before being extracted by China's government when the violence flared up. It is now more important for China to be seen as playing a constructive role in crises involving other major powers like the U.S.
'China used to have a rigid non-interference policy,' Dennis Blair, the Obama administration's former Director of National Intelligence, said in an interview Friday in Beijing, where he has been meeting with Chinese energy officials last week. 'Now, they are taking a more mature, sophisticated view of what their interests are.'
Beijing risks being seen as having a double standard in the wake of the Libya vote, said Shen Dingli, a professor of international relations at Fudan University in Shanghai, as it tacitly supports military intervention against Libya but continues to oppose it in matters closer to home. 'China should have one principle,' he said.
Brian Spegele
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