2010年8月31日

伯南克的难题 Man in the News: Ben Bernanke

 

对上周五在杰克逊湖旅店(Jackson Lake Lodge)的游客来说,Explorers大厅里那一群书呆子正在开的会,跟一个吸尘器销售会议没什么两样,也没什么值得关心的。于是,他们越过宁静的湖水,眺望怀俄明州巍峨的特顿山脉。

然而,在这个房间里,一位举止温和的前学者——美联储(Fed)主席本•伯南克(Ben Bernanke)——正发表将影响所有人生活的演讲。金融市场正密切关注他在Jackson Hole 年度会议上说出的每句话。

这位全球最重要的央行行长现在面临的风险,高于此次金融危机最黑暗时期以来的任何时刻。美国经济复苏形势不稳;第二季度经济增速下修至1.6%。这种增速不仅不足以降低失业率,失业率甚至可能会再度上升。

正如伯南克在上周五似乎表明的那样,他可能不得不很快采取重大举措,率领联邦公开市场委员会(FOMC)的同事——其中一些人并不情愿——启动新一轮定量宽松操作。这将意味着,美联储将通过购买数以十亿美元计的资产向经济注入资金,以提振经济活动。

这将是对他的经济判断、决心以及共识型领导风格的考验。2006年至2009年与伯南克共事的美联储前理事兰达尔•克鲁斯内尔(Randall Kroszner)表示:“他是一位非常温和的领袖,但他知道如何领导。”克鲁斯内尔现任芝加哥大学布斯商学院(Chicago Booth business school)教授。

与经常展示权威作风的前任艾伦•格林斯潘(Alan Greenspan)形成对比的是,伯南克喜欢在联邦公开市场委员会构建共识。当委员会阐明其政策看法时,格林斯潘会先讲话(由此主导整个过程),而伯南克会等到最后,总结所有人的发言,然后提出自己的观点。

这令人担心,如果像现在这样,各方对采取行动的必要性存在分歧,那么对于共识的追求可能让美联储陷入瘫痪。然而,出席联邦公开市场委员会会议的官员表示,这就误解了伯南克的性格和方法。他受到同事的尊敬,即便存在严重分歧,委员会也很可能听从他的领导。

生于1953年8月的伯南克在南卡罗莱纳州的狄龙长大,当时那里的人口只有数千人,现在也是如此。他似乎总是注定会成名,尽管最初他是一位学者:他跳过一年级,大学入学考试成绩在南卡罗莱纳州名列第一,然后赴哈佛大学(Harvard)和麻省理工学院(MIT)深造。

凭借对大萧条(Great Depression)和通胀目标机制的研究,他似乎出奇的适合危机央行行长这一角色。然而,尽管他的风格和履历都令人敬畏,但他受到的批评几乎超过其他任何一位央行行长,其中一些批评是公平的(如针对他未能判断出2005年和2006年房地产泡沫),但另一些则不那么公平(如针对他在2008年银行业纾困中的角色)。

结果是,尽管伯南克颇有成就,但他的名誉却有点脆弱。全球对央行行长们的关注如此密切,以至于如果他现在被视为失败,他将面临如潮般的批评。

纽约大学教授、曾长期与伯南克共同著书的马克•格特勒(Mark Gertler)第一次遇到伯南克是在1979年,当时伯南克刚获得博士学位。“他被视为市场上最优秀的学生之一,人们对他已是久闻大名,”他表示,“我认为他是一位富于直觉的思想家。他非常敏捷,他不是那种会写下很多方程式的人,尽管他能够做到这点。”

 

无疑,在同事的眼里,他的记录和举止有助于为他增色。2002年和2003年,他曾就美国如何避免通缩以及日本应如何摆脱通缩性低迷发表演讲。美联储前理事、Macroeconomic Advisors现任副董事长劳伦斯•梅尔(Laurence Meyer)表示,伯南克的2002年论文是美联储的一张路线图。

伯南克的许多同事谈到,在2008年秋季危机最严重时期(当时银行体系似乎有完全垮塌的可能),他表现得相当平静,但他们表示,这并非战斗中的欢乐或无趣人的冷淡,而是伯南克认为,保持平静是最佳策略。一位曾在危机之初与伯南克共同参加会议的人还记得伯南克的话:“我们必须选择保持平静。”

伯南克风格的另一个特点是坦率。这点对市场造成的迷惑,几乎与格林斯潘更为晦涩的措辞相当。当伯南克7月告诉美国国会,经济前景存在“不同寻常的不确定性”时,市场对这个短语详加解读。美联储认为经济在崩溃吗?这是有关政策的一个含蓄信号吗?其实,伯南克讲话的字面意思,很可能就是他想要表达的意思。

作为乔治•W•布什(George W. Bush)任命的美联储主席,伯南克总会让奥巴马政府有些疑虑,这曾让人怀疑他是否会连任。他看上去不喜欢在国会作证,在面对敌意问题时经常显示出紧张。

然而,重要的批评在于,自2009年中期以来,他没有进一步实施宽松政策,而是选择忍受黯淡的经济前景:没有新的萧条迹象,但失业率将多年保持高位。普林斯顿大学经济学家保罗•克鲁格曼(Paul Krugman)将美联储目前的政策称为“严重不足”和“逻辑荒谬”。他辩称,美联储早就应该购买更多资产。

伯南克的判断(迄今仍未改变)是,美联储如果将自身的资产负债表规模从2万亿美元扩大至4万亿或6万亿美元,其成本和风险将大于不确定的益处。他将不得不判断这种盘算是否或何时不再成立。格特勒表示:“我所了解的伯南克天性大胆积极。他绝不希望成为让经济垮掉的美联储主席。”

许多事情不在他的掌控之中——尤其是已经扼杀再次出台刺激政策可能性的政界——但是,即使他在金融危机期间挽救了美国经济,如果美国经济随后遭遇“失去的十年”,那么他也不会被铭记为一位伟大的美联储主席。

译者/何黎

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034395

 

 

It might as well have been a vacuum cleaner sales convention for all the tourists at the Jackson Lake Lodge appeared to care on Friday about the bookish group of people in the Explorers room. They looked instead across the stillness of the lake to the peaks of the Teton Range in Wyoming.

Yet inside the room a mild-mannered ex-academic – chairman Ben Bernanke of the Federal Reserve – was giving a speech that will affect all of their lives. Financial markets were hanging on his every word delivered at the annual Jackson Hole symposium.

The stakes for the world’s most important central banker are higher now than at any time since the depths of the financial crisis. The US economic recovery is faltering; growth in the second quarter was revised down to 1.6 per cent. Not only is that not fast enough to bring down unemployment, it may even start to rise again.

As he appeared to signal on Friday, Mr Bernanke may soon have to take the momentous step of leading his colleagues on the Federal Open Market Committee – some of them unwillingly – into a new round of quantitative easing. That would mean pumping cash into the economy by buying billions of dollars of assets in an effort to boost activity.

It will be a test of his economic judgment, of his fortitude, and of his consensual leadership style. “He’s a very gentle leader but someone who knows how to lead,” said Randall Kroszner, a Fed governor with Mr Bernanke from 2006 to 2009, and now a professor at the Chicago Booth business school.

In contrast to Alan Greenspan, his often autocratic predecessor, Mr Bernanke likes to build consensus on the FOMC. Whereas Mr Greenspan would go first when the committee stated its views on policy – and so dominate the process – Mr Bernanke waits until the end, sums up what everyone said, and then gives his own view.

That has led to fears that the Fed could be paralysed by a search for consensus if, as it is today, the committee is divided about the need for action. But people who attend the FOMC say that is to misunderstand Mr Bernanke’s character and methods. Mr Bernanke has his colleagues’ respect and, even if they disagree strongly, the FOMC is likely to follow him wherever he wants them to go.

Born in August 1953, Mr Bernanke grew up in Dillon, South Carolina, which had a population then, as now, of a few thousand people. He always seemed destined for stardom, albeit at first as an academic: he skipped first grade, topped his state of South Carolina in college entrance exams and then went on to Harvard and MIT.

With his research on the Great Depression and inflation targeting, he seems almost freakishly suited to the role of crisis central banker. Yet despite his august style and CV he has endured more criticism than almost any other central banker, some of it fair for his failure to diagnose the housing bubble in 2005 and 2006, and some of it less so for his role in the banking bail-outs of 2008.

The result is that, despite all Mr Bernanke’s achievements, his reputation is fragile. So closely does the world watch its central bankers that, if he is seen to fail now, he will face a tide of ranting commentary.

Mark Gertler, a long-time co-author with Mr Bernanke and now a professor at New York University, first met him when he was a newly-minted PhD in 1979. “He was considered one of the top students on the market – people already knew him by reputation,” he says. “I would describe him as an intuitive thinker. He’s very quick and he’s not someone to write down a lot of equations, although he’s capable of doing it.”

 

 

Certainly his record and demeanour stand him in good stead in the eyes of his colleagues. In 2002 and 2003 he gave speeches on how to avoid deflation in the US and about what Japan should do to escape its deflationary slump. Laurence Meyer, a former Fed governor and now vice-chairman of Macroeconomic Advisors, says that the 2002 paper has been a roadmap for the Fed.

Many colleagues remark on how calm he was during the worst of autumn 2008 – when total collapse of the banking system seemed possible – but say it was not joy in the battle or the phlegmatic calm of an unimaginative man. Rather, Mr Bernanke decided that being calm would work best. One person who was in a meeting with him early in the crisis remembers his saying: “We have to choose to be calm.”

Another hallmark of the Bernanke style is straightforwardness – something that confuses the market almost as much as the more cryptic remarks of Mr Greenspan. When Mr Bernanke told Congress in July that the economic outlook was “unusually uncertain” markets pounced on the phrase. Did the Fed think the economy was collapsing? Was it a coded signal about policy? The literal meaning of his words was probably all that Mr Bernanke intended.

As an appointee of George W. Bush, Mr Bernanke was always going to be viewed with some suspicion by the Obama White House, which helped to fuel the speculation about whether he would be reappointed to a second term. He does not seem to enjoy his visits to testify in Congress, often tensing visibly in the face of hostile questions.

The criticism that matters, though, is that by not easing policy any further since mid-2009 he has chosen to tolerate a grim economic outlook, in which there is no new depression but unemployment remains high for years. The Princeton economist Paul Krugman has called the Fed’s current policy “grossly inadequate” and “logically bizarre” . He argues that the Fed should already be buying more assets.

The judgment that he has made, and not changed so far, is that the uncertain benefits of boosting the Fed’s balance sheet from $2,000bn to $4,000bn or $6,000bn are outweighed by the costs and risks of doing so. He will have to judge if and when that is no longer the case. “Everything I know about Bernanke is that his instinct is to be aggressive. There’s no way on Earth he wants to be the Fed chairman who lets the economy deteriorate,” says Mr Gertler.

Much lies outside his control – not least politics that have stifled the chance of another stimulus – but he will not be remembered as a great chairman if he rescues the economy from a financial crisis, only for it to suffer a lost decade.

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034395/en

伦敦富豪的巨型地下室 Going underground

 

在花园里建造个游泳池和网球场的主意是不是让你觉得很酷?对不起,那已经是属于20世纪的概念了。今天,如果想和你的富豪邻居保持一致,那就把你的娱乐设施搬到伦敦豪宅的地下吧。

伦敦人很早就开始利用他们的地下空间了。温斯顿•丘吉尔(Winston Churchill)拥有地下作战室;约瑟夫•巴泽尔杰特(Joseph Bazalgette)铺设了污水管道;这个首都里幸福的通勤族自1863年起就享受到了地下铁路交通服务。然而在过去的20年里,建筑及照明技术的进步加速了一种地下建筑新趋势的崛起(或者更准确的说,是沉沦):那就是"超大型地下室"。

英国豪宅的地下室传统上被用来作为保湿的酒窖及地牢。但现在的地下室很有可能被分割成几层明亮、宽敞的房间,这些房间最可能被用作舞厅、画廊和游泳池。

这些超大型地下室乃是超高端房地产市场玩家的宠儿。烦人的伦敦规划法令不容许推倒17世纪的豪宅再以更加实用的摩天大楼取而代之。这一规定使得握有大把闲钱的亿万富豪们无法实现他们的扩张计划。

现在,也许是出于对钢铁大亨拉克西米•米塔尔(Lakshmi Mittal)位于肯辛顿珠光宝气的地下游泳池的艳羡,其他一些居住于伦敦的富豪们,像俄国石油业亿万富翁里奥德•布拉瓦克(Leonid Blavatnik)、地产经纪乔恩•亨特(Jon Hunt)、文莱苏丹(Sultan of Brunei),以及像Take That乐队的马克•欧文(Mark Owen)等明星,都在建造或计划建造地下巢穴,其大小和豪华程度与地上建筑不相上下,甚或超过。地下室建筑公司拒绝透露客户姓名,但它们承认曾为顶级银行家、商界巨头、足球运动员和电影明星打造过超大型地下室。

地产经纪公司福克斯顿(Foxtons)的创始人乔恩•亨特去年提出申请,拟在他的住所下兴建五层的地下建筑(他的房子就在戴安娜王妃肯辛顿故居的对面)。其建筑计划中包括一个现代的地下博物馆(用来展示其收藏的老爷车和摩托车)和一个网球场。他的申请被拒绝了——原因下文再作说明,但还是有很多其它地下室建造起来。

在切尔西,Cadogan Place23号(总价2400万英镑,第一太平戴维斯提供)拥有一个地下游泳池、健身房、蒸汽房、员工卧室和电影院。在肯辛顿,Upper Phillimore Gardens23号(总价3500万英镑,第一太平戴维斯提供)也有上述设施,再加一个酒窖,大型的娱乐室和职工宿舍。在贝拉格维亚,Grosvenor Mews 21号有一个升车机,滑动顶棚、两层地上两层地下的花园及九米高的内饰性"水幕",水流顺着青铜板缓缓流下。该建筑由一位法国商人和他的德国妻子于2009年12月购置,总价750万英镑,创下了马厩改建房的最高纪录。

地产经纪公司莱坊国际(Knight Frank)的合伙人汤姆•坦尼(Tom Tangney)说:"我最喜爱这样的地下室:有个两端深的游泳池,这样屋主就可以在水里翻滚转身;在拱形的地下空间里,有个圆顶的酒窖。"还有其它受欢迎的新增元素包括滑顶游泳池、派对房及SPA设施。

肯辛顿和切尔西皇家自治市开发控制负责人德里克•泰勒(Derek Taylor)说:"十年前几乎没有人申请建造大型地下室。到了四年前,大约每两个申请中就有一个是地下室改造。"在过去三年里,该自治市批准了461个"下挖"申请,拒绝了42个,另有66个待审。

 

不可思议的是,修建地下室的风潮是从伦敦西部富勒姆近郊的中上社会阶层开始风靡起来的。"所有一切都起源于80年代后期富勒姆的彼得伯勒小区(Peterborough Estate),"杰里米•费希尔(Jeremy Fisher)说。他拥有的杰里米•费希尔建筑公司自这一潮流掀起后就在一直不停"挖掘"。"传统上,英国中产阶级不会在装修房子上花费太多。老式的中央暖气系统和旧式的卫生间就让他们满足了。但这一切在80年代发生了改变。富勒姆的居民——大多数是城市里的银行家、律师等等——开始考虑房屋的现代化及扩大面积。富勒姆彼得伯勒小区的房子都已经建造了大型的地下室,由此居民们开始向下扩张"

热衷于赶超实力相当者的邻居开始复制他们的做法,而且规模更大。因为地下室非常隐蔽,他们发现规划部门允许他们打造一个地下房间的联通空间,把所有属于他们的地产——包括地面房屋和花园所覆盖的地下面积——都利用起来。

两大主要因素使得这种做法成为一种趋势并加速。一是房屋价格的升势远超建筑成本,因此向下挖掘使得中产阶级喜出望外——它提高了房屋价值。第二个因素就是科技。

地下室的生活至今仍给人潮湿、阴暗和糟糕的印象,只适合穷困潦倒的学生。但建筑师在地下室四周使用防水塑料薄膜来替代半透气墙灰,解决了潮湿问题。现在水流会先排到集水池,然后由水泵将之送入下水管道,而不再渗透到墙内。通过简单的采光井方法——即通过有窗户的小天井把阳光引入地下室——和像光学纤维之类的高科技手段,照明得到充分改善。

大约十年前,开发商通过小房子的尝试,意识到此举可以在大范围内推广,并瞄准了切尔西、梅菲儿和贝拉格维亚地区。那些地方的挖掘成本基本和富勒姆差不多,为500到730英镑每平方英尺。富勒姆的房子售价为700到1000英镑每平方英尺,因此利润相当可观。而在梅菲儿等伦敦市中心区域,房价高达每平方英尺1700到2500英镑,甚至更高。

不论是英国国内还是国外,下挖都是伦敦黄金地区的一道独特的风景线,鲜有例外。第一太平戴维斯国际负责人查尔斯•韦斯顿•贝克(Charles Weston Baker)说:"这是我们老式别墅的独特风格造就的。像巴黎这样的城市有大型的公寓楼,而较新的城市没有历史保护建筑,只要推倒老建筑就行。"

理论上讲,因为地下室是隐蔽的,应当归于可允许开发权力范围之内,而不受规划监管的控制。仲量联行总监、乔恩•亨特五层地下室申请的策划师盖伊•布兰斯比(Guy Bransby)说:"如果你什么也看不到,就没有任何影响。"对于亨特的申请,其所在的伦敦自治区判定,建造这样巨型的地下空间会改变这桩历史保护建筑的品质,因此申请被否决。

杰里米•费希尔承认:"邻居们很痛恨这一点。"一项由居民团体拉德布莱克协会(The Ladbroke Association)进行的调查发现,许多肯辛顿及切尔西的居民受到了持续强烈的噪音和挖掘机震动的精神困扰。他们认为,挖掘者应该补偿旁边的邻居,甚至出资搬迁他们的房子。

还有比灰尘更严重的危害。2008年伦敦的一处房屋在挖掘中倒塌,一位施工人员受伤。地产经纪公司切斯特顿•汉伯茨(Chesterton Humberts)董事罗伯特•斯特奇斯(Robert Sturges)说:"我听说过很恐怖的事情,特别是雇佣非专业的施工人员时。有些情况下,因为缺少稳固的地基,邻居的房子开始下沉。挖掘者将为此付出高昂代价。"

还有一个负面影响。第一太平戴维斯的安妮•桑瑞(Anne Soutry)认为:"建造成本在过去的五年大幅度增长,这都是地下室建造公司的暴利来源。"

最后一个担心是建造更多的伦敦地下室会给地下水位带来负面影响,并可能导致洪水。然而,工程公司阿勒普(Arup)的研究表明,下挖并不会影响地下水位,而且没有可预见的原因说明为何会产生影响。

将来会怎么样?地下室生活是一时的流行还是一场深刻的文化变革?毫无疑问的是,地下室规划法令终究会被统一出台。法律不会阻止挖掘,但在建造商杰里米•费希尔(Jeremy Fisher)看来,它很可能会加入灰尘及噪音控制规定。这对于富勒姆的普通家庭也许是种束缚,但绝不会阻碍富豪的步伐。

也许唯一能限制超大型地下室的是开发商和富豪们的想象力。下一步会是怎样?排干水后成为直升机停机坪的游泳池?私人的地下过山车?也许在以后的20年里,我们会看到20层高的"泥浆铲土机"呼啸在整个伦敦下面。

相关信息:

London Digs, www.londondigs.net, 电话:+44 (0)20 7289 5599

The Big Basement Company, www.bigbasement.co.uk, 电话:+44 (0)20 7096 7000

London Basement, www.tlbc.co.uk, 电话:+44 (0)20 8847 9449

CC Construction, www.cccon.co.uk, 电话:+44 (0)20 7376 7770

Jeremy Fisher Building, 电话:+44 (0)20 7731 0716 (no website)

The Ladbroke Association, www.ladbrokeassociation.org, 电话:+44 (0)20 7229 1741

译者/功文

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034403

 

 

Think the swimming pool and tennis court in your garden make you pretty smart? Well, sorry, but that's just so 20th century. These days, if you want to keep up with the oligarch next door, you put your play things under your London house.

Londoners have used their underground space for a long time. Winston Churchill had war rooms, Joseph Bazalgette dug sewers, and the capital's cheerful commuters have enjoyed underground rail transport since 1863. In the last 20 years, however, advances in building and lighting technology have accelerated the rise (or, more accurately, descent) of a new underground trend: the mega-basement.

Big British houses have traditionally used basements as dank wine storage and dungeon space. Now, however, it's possible to create several floors of light, spacious rooms underground. These might include, at the top end, ballrooms, galleries and swimming pools.

These mega-basements are serendipity for the drivers of the super-prime property market. London's tiresome planning laws prevent you from knocking down your 17th-century palace and replacing it with a more functional skyscraper. This has long frustrated the expansion plans of men and women with a spare hundred million pounds or two.

Now, perhaps envious of steel man Lakshmi Mittal's jewelled subterranean Kensington swimming pool, other London-dwelling tycoons such as Russian oil billionaire Leonid Blavatnik, estate agent Jon Hunt, and the Sultan of Brunei, as well as celebrities such as Take That's Mark Owen, are planning and building underground lairs that mirror and sometimes even exceed the size and opulence of the mansions above them. Basement companies refuse to name names, but admit creating mega-basements for top-end bankers, business magnates, footballers and film stars.

Jon Hunt, founder of estate agents Foxtons, applied last year for five floors beneath his house (just across the way from Kensington Palace, Princess Diana's old pad). Plans included a modest underground museum for his collection of vintage cars and motorbikes, and a tennis court. His plans were rejected – more on that later – but there are plenty more being built.

In Chelsea, 23 Cadogan Place (£24m, Savills), has an underground swimming pool, gym, steam room, staff bedroom and cinema. Over in Kensington, 23 Upper Phillimore Gardens (£35m, also Savills) has all those things, plus a wine cellar, large playroom and staff quarters, while 21 Grosvenor Mews in Belgravia has a car lift, garden with sliding roof, and, plunging the entire height of two above-ground and two subterranean floors, a nine-metre interior decorative "waterfall" of water trickling down bronze slabs (bought in December 2009 by a French businessman and his Russian wife for £7.5m, a record for a mews house).

Tom Tangney, partner at estate agents Knight Frank, says: "My favourite basement has a swimming pool with two deep ends so the owner can do tumble-turns. In the arched space beneath, there's a vaulted wine cellar." Other popular additions include swimming pools with sliding roofs, party rooms and spa facilities.

Derek Taylor, head of development control for the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, says: "Ten years ago, there were virtually no applications to dig large basements. Four years ago, it seemed that every second application was a basement conversion." In the past three years, the borough granted 461 "digging-down" applications, rejected 42 and 66 are pending.

The basement boom began, strangely enough, in the genteel upper-middle class west London suburb of Fulham. "It all started in the late 1980s, on Fulham's Peterborough Estate," says Jeremy Fisher, whose firm Jeremy Fisher Building has been "digging down" since the craze began. "Traditionally, the British middle class didn't spend much on kitting out houses. They'd be content with old central heating and mouldy bathrooms. That all changed in the 1980s. Fulham's residents – mostly City bankers, lawyers and so on – looked to modernise and expand. Houses on Fulham's Peterborough Estate already had large basements, so residents expanded downwards."

 

Neighbours, keen to keep up with and overtake the Joneses, copied them – but on a larger scale. Because basements are pretty much invisible, they found that planners let them build a network of subterranean rooms taking up the entire "footprint" of their properties – ie underneath the house and garden.

Two main factors enabled and accelerated the trend. First, house price rises outstripped building costs, so digging down resulted in that great middle-class joy: a rise in house value. The second factor was the technology.

Basement living had hitherto been damp, dark and miserable, suited only to depressed students. But builders have vanquished damp by replacing semi-porous render with a waterproof plastic membrane around the basement. Instead of seeping through walls, water now drains to a sump, where a pump sends it to the sewers. Lighting was massively improved by the simple idea of light wells – small windowed courtyards taking sunlight to the basement, and higher-tech solutions such as fibre optics.

A decade or so ago, developers, spotting the trend in smaller houses, realised it could work on a massive scale, and looked towards Chelsea, Mayfair and Belgravia. Digging down costs are roughly the same here as in Fulham – £500 to £730 per sq ft. Houses in Fulham sell for £700 to £1,000 per sq ft, so the profit is good. Houses in central London zones such as Mayfair cost £1,700 to £2,500-plus per sq ft.

With few exceptions, nationally and internationally, digging down is peculiar to the smarter areas of London. Charles Weston Baker, head of Savills International says: "It's due to our unique style of old cottages. Cities like Paris have large apartment blocks. In newer cities they don't have listings, so they just replace old buildings."

Theoretically, since they are invisible, basements fall under permitted development rights and are not subject to planning control. Guy Bransby, director of Jones Lang LaSalle, who devised Jon Hunt's five-storey basement application, says: "If you can't see something, it doesn't make any difference." In Hunt's case, his London borough judged that creating such a vast underground area changed the character of a listed building, and so denied it.

"Neighbours hate it," admits Jeremy Fisher. A survey by residents' group The Ladbroke Association found many neighbours in Kensington and Chelsea who had been traumatised by the relentless noise and vibration of a dig-down. They suggest that neighbours should be compensated, or even rehoused at the digger's expense.

There are more serious dangers than dust. In 2008 a London house collapsed during a dig-down, injuring a builder. Robert Sturges, director at estate agents Chesterton Humberts says: "I've heard horror stories, particularly when non-specialist builders are hired. On a couple of occasions, the neighbouring houses began to sink because of the lack of secure foundations. That was very expensive for the digger."

There's another dark side to basements, according to Anne Soutry of Savills: "The price has increased enormously over five years. It is profiteering on behalf of the basement companies."

The final worry is that the creation of more London basements will have a negative effect on the water table and cause flooding. However, a study by engineering firm Arup found that digging down had had no effect on the water table, and there was no foreseeable reason why it should.

What is the future? Is basement living a fad, or an entrenched cultural shift? Certainly basement planning laws will eventually be centralised and formalised. This won't prevent digging down, but it's likely, according to builder Jeremy Fisher, to add dust and noise reduction requirements. This may hamper the families of Fulham, but it won't stop the oligarchs.

Perhaps the only limit to mega-basements is developers' and oligarchs' imaginations. What's next? A swimming pool that drains to reveal a helipad? A private underground rollercoaster? Perhaps in 20 years' time we'll see 20-storey "magma-scrapers" popping down all over London.

..................................................

London Digs, www.londondigs.net, tel: +44 (0)20 7289 5599

The Big Basement Company, www.bigbasement.co.uk, tel: +44 (0)20 7096 7000

London Basement, www.tlbc.co.uk, tel: +44 (0)20 8847 9449

CC Construction, www.cccon.co.uk, tel: +44 (0)20 7376 7770

Jeremy Fisher Building, tel: +44 (0)20 7731 0716 (no website)

The Ladbroke Association, www.ladbrokeassociation.org, tel: +44 (0)20 7229 1741

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034403/en

德国经济反弹不值得欢呼 Germany’s rebound is no cause for cheer

 

对生活在欧元区的人来说,较为奇怪的经历之一是去德国超市购物。前几天,我有幸去了德国的超市,发现那里商品的价格普遍是比利时、意大利或西班牙商品价格的一半多点。当然,这只是一个不科学的推测。我还发现,在欧元区各个不同成员国的Ebay网站上,某些种类的商品售价相差达到30%左右。

这些差价一定程度上解释了欧元区各国不同的经济表现,并为未来的预期提供了指示。真正令人感兴趣的不是它们是如何产生的,而是它们为何没有自动消失。我们知道它们是如何产生的:德国以不具竞争力的汇率加入欧元区,并长期实行“工资节制”(wage moderation)政策。宏观经济学家会说,德国从本国对其它成员国的实际贬值中受益。但是,尽管实际汇率往往变动不定,但人们通常不会认为极端失调情况会保持很久。在这种情况下,人们会认为,西班牙和意大利的消费者将不会到本国昂贵的零售商店购物,而是登录德国网站进行邮购,尤其是购买耐用品。这最终将导致价格重新调整。

这种情形没有出现。

你还可能会预计,劳动力市场会面临一些重新调整压力。随着德国出口业完全恢复,人们会预计德国劳动力成本上涨的幅度应高于欧元区平均水平。

这种情形也没有发生。

需求面没有调整的原因在于,欧洲内部市场没有充分发挥作用——当然不是在消费层面上。我曾经与德国一家邮购公司的某高管交谈,问他为何比利时(我居住的国家)人买不了他们公司相当廉价的产品。他告诉我说,各国人的品味差异很大,因此他们无法在全欧洲提供邮购服务。我回答说,比利时人和意大利人可能与德国人一样,都喜欢便宜,只要有机会就可能会购买。尽管最近有所改善,但跨境购物仍困难得让人吃惊。

不完全单一市场阻碍产品方面的调整,市场完全缺乏一体化则阻碍劳动力市场方面的调整。你可能以为德国工人会想去国外工作,以谋求更高的工资,但这种情况并没有发生,因为欧洲劳动力市场仍然几乎是完全割裂的。这意味着德国的工资节制模式可以长期维持不变。德国的名义工资实际上被冻结,今后几年只会上调很少的百分点。

总之,这意味着欧元区内部的失衡不仅会持续,而且还可能加剧。这将使西班牙、葡萄牙或希腊更难着手进行经济调整。这些持续存在的失衡(远不是债务累积),是我担忧欧元区长期健康的深刻根源所在。

但是从德国的角度看,这种策略在短期内推动了增长。无疑,它是一种“以邻为壑”的策略。德国经济增长加快,不是受到生产扩大的推动,而是受到货币实际贬值的推动。

因此,尽管我预计德国经济的表现将高于欧元区平均水平,但重要的是要进行全面分析,不要从德国二季度9%的增长年率中得出错误的结论。如果你看一下自金融危机爆发以来的那段时期,就会发现德国经济一直表现不佳。如果你将危机以来德美两国的国内生产总值(GDP)加以比较,就会发现美国的表现要远远好于德国。如果美国陷入双底衰退,这种情况有可能会逆转。但目前我们能够做出的最佳判断,是法国财长克里斯蒂娜•拉加德(Christine Lagarde)最近接受英国《金融时报》采访时所说的话:德国今年复苏得更快,是因为去年它收缩得更快——GDP下降了5%。迄今为止,这看起来像是典型的“死猫诈尸”(dead-cat bounce)。

考虑到德国过于依赖出口,其经济表现最终将取决于全球经济走势。鉴于美国有二次衰退之势,很难想象德国如何能够保持其最近的增长率。要保持高增长率,德国需要国内需求骤然猛增。但我看不到这种需求将来自哪里。

要点在于,德国未来几年的经济表现几乎肯定高于欧元区平均水平,但当前的热情也过分夸大了。

对欧元区——最终也是对德国自身——来说,真正的危险,是货币实际贬值政策造成的束缚。我看不出南欧国家如何能够完全扭转实际汇率的失调,同时也没有任何迹象表明,欧洲产品及劳动力市场进行了充分改革,足以确保经济调整机制能够发挥作用。也就是说,德国经济的强劲或许会持续、有害,并且长远来看很有可能不利于自身。

译者/君悦

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034393

 

 

One of the weirder experiences for anyone who lives in the eurozone is a visit to a German supermarket. I had the pleasure the other day, and found the general price level there to be a little over half of what it is in Belgium, Italy or Spain. This, of course, is just an unscientific guess. I also found price differences of some 30 per cent when comparing certain categories of goods on various Ebay sites in the eurozone.

These differences go some way to explaining the eurozone’s divergent economic performance, and give a pointer as to what to expect in the future. The really intriguing aspect of the divergences is not how they happened, but why they are not correcting themselves. We know how they happened: Germany entered the eurozone at an uncompetitive exchange rate and embarked on a long period of wage moderation. Macroeconomists would say Germany benefited from a real devaluation against other members. But while real exchange rates tend to move around, one would not normally expect extreme misalignments to be persistent. In this case, one would expect Spanish and Italian consumers to abandon their expensive retail stores and swamp German internet sites with mail order purchases, especially for durable goods. Eventually there would be some price realignment.

It is not happening.

You would also expect some pressure for realignment from the labour market. As the German export sector returns to full capacity, one would expect wage costs to rise by more than the eurozone average.

This is not happening either.

The reason for the lack of demand-side adjustment is that Europe’s internal market is not fully functioning, certainly not at the consumer level. I spoke to an executive of one of Germany’s mail order companies and asked him why people in Belgium, where I live, cannot buy his extremely cheap products. He told me that national tastes were so different as to preclude a European-wide mail order service. My response was that the Belgians, and the Italians, probably share the Germans’ taste for low prices, and would probably shop if only given an opportunity. Despite some recent improvements it remains surprisingly hard to shop cross-border.

While adjustment of the product side is prevented by an imperfect single market, adjustment on the labour market side is prevented by a complete absence of market integration. You would expect German workers to seek higher wages outside the country. But this is not happening, as the European labour market remains almost perfectly fragmented. That means German wage moderation can persist uncorrected for a long time. Nominal wages are effectively frozen, and are set to rise by only small percentages in the next few years.

Taken together, this means the intra-eurozone imbalances will not only persist, but probably increase. This will make the economic adjustment for Spain, Portugal or Greece even more difficult than it already is. Those persistent imbalances, much more than the build-up of debt, are my deep cause of concern about the long-term health of the eurozone.

But from a German perspective, this strategy boosts growth in the short term. It is, of course, a beggar-thy-neighbour strategy. The improvement in Germany’s economic growth is driven not by productivity gains but by real devaluation.

So while I expect the German economy to perform better than the eurozone average, it is important to keep some perspective and not draw false inferences from the 9 per cent annualised growth rate during the second quarter. If you look at the period since the beginning of the financial crisis, Germany’s economic performance has been dismal. If you compare levels of gross domestic product between Germany and the US since the crisis, you find the US significantly outperformed Germany during that period. That situation may still be reversed if the US were to go into a double-dip recession. But the best judgment we can make now is that of Christine Lagarde, the French finance minister, in her recent interview in the Financial Times: Germany is recovering faster this year because it contracted faster last year, when GDP fell by 5 per cent. So far, this looks like classic dead-cat bounce.

Given its export-dependence, the performance of the German economy will ultimately depend on the global economy. As the US is heading for another downturn, it is hard to see how Germany can maintain its recent rates of growth. To do so would require a sudden increase in domestic demand. But I cannot see where that would come from.

The bottom line is that Germany’s economic performance will almost certainly improve relative to the eurozone average in the years ahead, but also that the current wave of enthusiasm is much exaggerated.

The real danger – to the eurozone, but ultimately to Germany itself – is the strains stemming from the policy of a real devaluation. I cannot see how southern Europe can ever fully reverse the misalignments in the real exchange rate. Nor are there any signs that the reforms in the EU’s product and labour markets will be sufficient to ensure that economic adjustment mechanisms can kick in. In other words, Germany’s economic strength is likely to be persistent, toxic and quite possibly self-defeating in the long-run.

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034393/en

每日精点(8.31):一则数据增加市场的不确定性

    成也萧何,败也萧何,A股市场昨天的上涨很大层面上源自于美股上周五的大跌。而昨天隔夜美股大跌,基本上是上周五怎么上去的,本周一就怎么下来。于是A股市场立马就失去了继续拉升的理由和动能,今日市场市场则明显开始走弱。在国内涨跌因素模糊或是趋向平衡的时候,外围市场的走势开始成为多空双方操作的一个重要借口。

 

    市场依然在继续分化着,深成指放量小幅上涨,沪深300次之而小幅下跌,上证指数则又成为三大股指中最衰的指数。究其原因,自然还是指标股在作祟。银行、地产、石油石化这三大权重板块中的个股几乎是全线调整,虽然各有各的不幸,但悲惨的结局却是一样的。

 

    而值得我们特别注意的是,中小板指数今日继续强于三大股指,今日更是创出历史新高。在上证指数疲软不堪的背景下,中小板指数的创出历史新高,几多欢喜,又几多忧愁。喜的是,市场仍然火热不断,主力做多的热情没有因为指数的不作为而泄气;忧的是,中小板还能强势多久?如果中小板指数没能带动三大股指,那么万一下跌,其跌的幅度、速度和力度都是非常可怕的。而且,当中小板都成了灾区,那市场还能找到安全区吗?市场的人气会不会因此而大受其挫?

 

    今天还有一则数据值得我们注意,这则数据将加大市场短期走势的不确定性。我们看到上海市场的资金流动情况:昨日强势上涨过程中,资金净流入19个亿;今日市场的调整幅度比昨天的上涨幅度还是要小很多的,可是,今日上海市场净流出52个亿。也就是说,多方主力的积极性远不如空方主力。而且,今日上海市场的成交也略大于昨天。如此一来,我们就必须更加谨慎起来了,至少这个时候不适合大举建仓。市场将继续考验20日均线和2600点的支撑力。
 
http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_4b63593b0100lhhj.html
 

2010年8月30日

特写:中国再造红旗轿车 China flies Red Flag of high-end nostalgia

 

为了利用人们对中国共产主义和殖民时代的怀旧幽情,中国两家国有企业重新推出了老品牌——包括毛泽东的著名的“红旗”高级轿车——以挑战外国品牌在本国奢侈品市场上占据的主导地位。

中国一汽(FAW)近日宣布,将斥资17.9亿元人民币(合2.633亿美元),再造红旗品牌。红旗这个品牌与产生它的意识形态一起,大体上已被弃用。中国一汽这个名称令人忆起往日的岁月。

这些资金将用于建造一座年产3万辆汽车的生产设施,一汽希望借这款豪华车型提升利润和知名度。

中国最大的化妆品品牌上海家化(Shanghai Jahwa)也复活了著名的老品牌“双妹”。“双妹”这个商标令人想起了上世纪30年代被誉为“东方巴黎”的上海。该品牌已经被重新命名为“Shanghai VIVE”,并在上海外滩新近重新开业的、具有装饰艺术风格的和平饭店(Peace Hotel)销售。

“双妹”的包装和广告令人想起旧上海所有颓靡的画面。从单价220元人民币的“上海光荣”牌香皂,到标价上千元的护肤霜(最高1500元),“双妹”系列的售价或相当于或高于同类的外国奢侈化妆品。

两个老品牌的复活,宣告零售文化在中国的成熟。中国品牌越来越渴望与外国品牌面对面竞争。发展本土奢侈品,是中国改写“廉价产品工厂”名号计划的一部分。

复旦大学一位教授表示:“中国品牌进入奢侈品市场有三种途径:与外国品牌合作;引入外国设计师,或重新打造昔日名牌。”他表示,高价未必是问题:“(中国)消费者通常认为高价意味着优质。”

但零售业分析师不确定怀旧吸引力在中国的价值:“双妹”“可能让西方人感到兴奋,但对大多数中国女性而言却未必如此”,中国市场研究集团(China Market Research)驻上海的雷小山(Shaun Rein)表示,“对大多数中国人来说,那些岁月并不辉煌,因此他们不会像西方人那样向往和怀旧”。

上海摩立特(Monitor)的唐仕德(Torsten Stocker)表示,推出具有鲜明中国特色的豪华车“可能相当聪明”。他表示,在正式场合下,政府官员和国有企业领导可能需要一辆红旗轿车,而“必须把宝马(BMW)、奔驰(Benz)或宾利(Bentley)留在家里”,“但关键是质量和技术得过硬”。

雷小山表示:“消费者只是不认同中国轿车与欧洲高档车一样好的观点。”

在毛泽东一手推动下,中国在1958年生产出了红旗轿车,因为他认为中国需要有自己的高级轿车。现在,52年过去了,一汽将再次尝试制造国产豪华轿车。

Shirley Chen上海补充报道

译者/何黎

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034373

 

 

In an effort to exploit nostalgia for China’s communist and colonialist past, two Chinese state companies have relaunched old brands – including Chairman Mao’s famous Red Flag limousine – to challenge foreign dominance of the country’s luxury markets.

China’s evocatively named First Auto Works (FAW) announced this week it would spend Rmb1.79bn ($263.3m) to re-raise the Red Flag brand, which has largely fallen into disuse along with the ideology that spawned it.

The money would fund a production facility with an annual capacity 30,000 units, to give FAW the ultra-luxury model it needs to boost profits and prestige.

Shanghai Jahwa, China’s largest cosmetics brand, has also revived one of its famous nostalgia brands, Shuang Mei, or two sisters. With a logo redolent of 1930s Shanghai, when the city was labelled as the Paris of the Orient, the brand has been renamed Shanghai VIVE, and is sold at the recently reopened Art Deco Peace Hotel on the Shanghai Bund.

Its packaging and advertising conjures visions of old Shanghai, in all its decadence. The brand ranges from Pride of Shanghai soap at Rmb220, to skin creams priced at more than Rmb1000, with a top price of Rmb1500 – at or above those for foreign luxury cosmetics.

The relaunch of the two brands heralds China’s coming of age as a retail culture, with Chinese brands increasingly eager to compete head to head with foreign brands. Localising luxury is part of Beijing’s plan to rebrand China as more than just a cheap goods factory.

“There are three ways for Chinese brands to enter the luxury market: partner with foreign brands, bring in foreign designers, or rebrand themselves using an old famous marque,” says Jiang Qingyu of Fudan University. He says high prices are not necessarily a problem: “[Chinese] consumers generally believe high price means high quality.”

But retail analysts are uncertain about the value of nostalgia appeal in the country: Shanghai VIVE “might create a sense of excitement for westerners, but not for most Chinese women”, says Shaun Rein of China Market Research in Shanghai. “Those were not glamorous time for most Chinese so they don’t look at it with the same longing and nostalgia as westerners.”

Launching a distinctly Chinese luxury car “might be quite clever” says Torsten Stocker of Monitor Group in Shanghai. Government officials and state-owned enterprise chiefs might want a Red Flag for official occasions “when the BMW, Benz or Bentley must stay at home”, he says. “But getting the quality and technology right will be key.”

“Consumers just don’t buy into the idea that a Chinese car is as good as a European high-end one,” says Mr Rein.

Chairman Mao launched the Red Flag in 1958 because he thought China needed its own luxury car. Now, after 52 years, FAW will try again to make that a reality.

Additional reporting by Shirley Chen in Shanghai

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034373/en

王二买地和投资性购房的无奈

郭凯

王二生活在一个小山村里。他是个种粮好手,每年打的粮食都比村里别的人家多。到了秋收时节,王二家的谷仓总是堆得满满的。在那个“以粮为纲”的世界里,王二就是村里最“富”的人。但王二也有自己的烦心事,除了口粮以外剩下的那么多粮食怎么办?虽然听每个月来村里卖酒的小贩说,山外面的酒坊很需要粮食,要是粮食能运出去,能卖很不错的价钱。只是这个村子太闭塞,粮食根本拉不到外面去。村里也没人会酿酒,要不然这些粮食也能派上用场。王二能做的,只能是把粮食堆在谷仓里。往往是一个冬天过去,春天下几场雨,谷仓里的很多粮食都要发霉坏掉。不发霉的粮食,味道也不是那么好。放了一年以上的粮食,最后的命运多半只能是扔掉。对于王二而言,粮食打得再多,但苦于没有好的用处,最后只能烂在谷仓里。

后来就有人给王二出主意。村里有的人家地多粮少,还有的人家因为这事那事缺粮,不如你拿粮食去跟这些人家换地。粮食会烂,但是地不会烂,这样你也不用为粮食的事情那么发愁。王二觉得这是一个不错的主意,于是就这么干了。第一年,王二用所有的余粮换回了一小块土地。虽然这块地很小,十几年的收成才够王二付出的粮食,但是王二还是很高兴。毕竟,就像村里人说的,存粮会烂,但是地不会烂。即便十几年才能把本钱赚回来,但怎么也比粮食烂在谷仓里强。

但事情的发展还是有点出乎王二的意料。王二现在的地多了,结果每年的余粮更多。而村里的地并不算宽裕,没有多少人家愿意卖地,所以王二只能不断的提高价钱才能买回一点点土地。到后来,王二买一块地出的粮食能顶那块地80年甚至100年的收成,贵得已经有点离谱。村里也有人在悄悄嘀咕,觉得王二有点失去理智。但王二仔细想想,还是觉得买地划算。手上拿着粮食,过几年就什么都不剩了。拿着地,地永远在那里,以后至少还可以传给孩子。王二的做法,当然还不小心造成了另一个后果,就是让村里那些真正缺地的家庭再也买不起地。那些人心里都在骂王二,觉得是王二“炒高”了地价。

导致中国房价高的原因有很多,一些原因共识比较多,另一些原因则争议比较大。其中一个比较有共识的原因是很多人买房是用来“投资”的,不是用来“居住”的,投资性购房推高了房价。从温州炒房团、山西煤老板到外资热钱,各种关于有闲钱的群体炒高了房价的故事层出不穷。这也让区别对待首套、二套、三套或者N套房,成了抑制房价政策的一个重点。因为首套房被认为是自住的,而超过二套的则有投资的嫌疑。

但这里一个需要回答的问题是:为什么有那么多人愿意买房“投资”?特别是在不少城市的房价已经涨了如此之多的情况下。这里面的答案可能也有很多,从官商勾结到分配不均,再到“钱多人傻速来”各种解释都有。这篇文章想要强调另外一个原因:房地产也许是中国人保存财富最不差的手段之一。

大概每个有点积蓄的中国人,都会面临一个相同的问题:把钱放在哪里?虽然这几年的选择多了不少,但大的选择无非几种:一是放在银行里,虽然安全但是几乎没有回报,碰到通货膨胀钱还会越存越少;二是把钱投到不比房地产风险更小的股市里;三是买房,房子不怕通货膨胀,长期看即使不升值,保值绝对没问题,有房还能有安全感和稳定感。

如果和前面王二的故事类比,把钱存银行就像是存粮。虽然没有存粮那么极端,但存银行的回报率接近于零甚至时常为负(比如,去年8月到今年8月的实际存款利率就极有可能是负的),就像是存粮会越存越少;而买房跟买地一样,买的是一块真实的资产,握在手里放心,长期还有升值的潜力。因此,在买房和存钱之间,很多个人都会主动选择买房。即便这些人买房的目的未必是炒房,就像王二买地最初的用意也不是炒高地价一样,但这种行为的结果仍然会是推高房价。至于买房和买股之间的取舍,买房对很多人而言恐怕也是更好的选择──一样要承担风险,买房心里可要踏实多了。

归根结底,中国投资渠道的缺乏,让很多中国家庭在金融意义上就像是生活在小山村里的王二。中国有很多人没有钱,但也有很多人有钱。而那部分有闲钱的人,当他们只能在不好的投资(买房)和更不好的投资(存银行或者买股票)之间做选择时,很多人选择了买房。这样做不仅导致了房价高涨、住房空置和很多普通人购房发生困难,这样做更是对资源的错误配置──如果有好的金融体系和投资渠道,这些钱原本可以投到更能够创造价值的地方。

事实上,当一个经济中最好的投资方式竟然是买房的时候,这也恰恰说明了这个经济的金融体系可能存在缺陷。就像在上面王二的村子里,买地卖地并不真正创造任何价值,只是财富在一个村子里流转,而这件事情发生的根本原因还是因为王二的村子没有更有价值的地方投资。中国还是一个资本稀缺的发展中国家,钱投到很多领域都能产生可观的回报,很多中小企业得用百分之十几甚至几十的年利率通过民间金融借贷就是一个明证。如果金融体系运转良好,那资本自然应该是流到最需要钱的地方,这个过程也应该会为投资者创造不错的回报。只是,这个过程没有在中国发生。一方是需要钱的地方没有钱,另一方是有钱的人没处投资,最后把钱投向房地产。

从这个角度说,只要无法有效配置资源的中国金融体系一日得不到根本改善,房地产作为有吸引力的投资品的状况很可能也无法改变,想要缓解高房价的政策最终也可能无功而返。如果要改变王二村子里的高地价,最一劳永逸的做法也许就是修通出山的道路,让王二能有别的方式处理他的粮食。房价也是一样,只有真正存在更好的其它投资渠道,投资性购房推高房价的压力恐怕才能有效释放。

(本文作者郭凯是专注于中国和新兴市场国家问题的经济学者,哈佛大学经济学博士,专业方向为国际金融和中国经济,现就职于国际货币基金组织。文中所述仅代表他的个人观点。)

本文内容归道琼斯公司所有,任何单位及个人未经许可,不得擅自转载使用。
 

国美控制权猜想

  “如果黄总想一直绝对控制这个公司,2004年,他就不该让国美上市。”——黄光裕与陈晓对于家电连锁及资本市场的认识差别,或将决定他们最终命运之殊途

  【《中国企业家》杂志】摩根大通香港办事处位于香港遮打大厦。在众多高档写字楼中,并不引人瞩目。一楼大厅甚至没有座椅或者茶水区供来客休息,很多身穿西装的访客只能坐在台阶上等候—由于安保严密,没有摩根大通的工作卡,他们休想进入办公区。但这正是国美电器董事局主席陈晓所需要的环境—摩根大通也是国美电器的第一大机构投资者,其所持交易席位也于8月12日增持国美股票,占股比例从9.93%升至10.04%。

  8月23日下午16点40分,陈晓携几名国美高管步入遮打大厦。20分钟后,国美电器2010年半年业绩发布会第一场(面对内地媒体视频直播)在这举行。

  业绩发布会之后,陈与机构投资者分别进行了沟通。在这场广被关注的“陈黄对决”中,投资者是双方必争的焦点之一。

  18点20分,发布会结束,陈晓等人从电梯中走出。此时同行的队伍壮大了许多,会前不曾与陈晓一起上楼的竺稼也出现在人群中。

  在这一个多小时时间里,陈晓及国美高管团队针对黄光裕方面的种种指责进行了密集反击。但显然,这只是持续20天之久的国美争夺战的一次小高潮而已。

  谁的控制权?

  发布会上,陈晓及其管理团队交出一份创2008年底以来新高的财报:2010年上半年,国美电器实现销售收入人民币248.73亿元,同比上升21.55%;公司权益所有者应占利润为9.62亿元,同比上升65.86%;每平方米销售持续提升,与2010年第一季度及2009年上半年相比分别增长8.85%及31.91%。

  同时,陈晓还宣布了两个重磅消息。其一,国美董事会决定应大股东黄光裕先生的要求,在9月28日召开特别股东大会。此前,黄光裕已通过其控股公司Shining Crown Holding Ltd(耀冠控股)于8月5日提出五项议题,核心是要求陈晓让出董事局主席,并选任黄燕虹、邹晓春进入董事会;其二,贝恩持有的可换股债券将在股东大会召开前实现转股。

  陈晓明白,媒体其实对国美董事会与大股东黄光裕的争斗更感兴趣,他回应称,黄家所提到的几个分歧—对业绩、发展模式及对用期权进行股权激励等的不满,并非问题本质,“这不是陈黄之争,也不是利益之争;19个月前,黄光裕被捕时,他的市价资产在50亿左右,但是今天,他的市价资产已经达到160亿元。”

  陈晓认为,本质在于,黄光裕在失去人身自由之后,仍旧在谋求对公司的控制权。国美电器一位高管将此概括为:“以前这个管理团队是执行层,现在,黄光裕身在狱中还希望我们能继续对他言听计从。”

  但黄光裕家族仍力图告诉媒体和公众,这“就是”陈黄之争。其标志之一是,黄光裕家族力图将陈晓与包括王俊洲、孙一丁等“黄光裕旧部”区分开。接受本刊采访时,国美大股东方面的知情人士表示:“大股东衷心感谢公司经营管理层和员工一贯以来所做出的贡献和努力,考虑到他们目前所处的特殊环境里,大股东能够理解他们所说的一些言不由衷的话。”

  一位曾被认为是黄光裕绝对嫡系的国美高管对本刊表示,“我们始终尊重黄总。”他说,正因为包括陈晓在内的所有人,都在心里对黄光裕留有“个人情感的空间”,才会选择贝恩。“那时,这是唯一可以两全的方案,既不过度稀释黄总股权,又能为公司融资摆脱困境。”

  这位在国美工作了十余年的高管回忆说,从黄光裕出事算起,过去19个月,是国美最困难的19个月。“那时候,一千万就可以救活一家分公司。公司很缺钱,能不能活到明天都不知道,所以也不存在这些争斗。今天公司情况开始好转了,黄总又开始说觉得不满。”

  国美大股东方面的知情人士则给出了不同说法,当时,“黄光裕先生知晓国美管理层融资的事情,并曾就此明确表示,公司缺钱可以融资,大股东可以降低股权,但不能失去控股地位。对与最终锁定贝恩资本及相关谈判细节,黄先生并不知晓,无法提前表明态度。”

  不过,别的知情人士则向本刊透露,黄光裕当时曾书面作出允诺:只要能救活公司,自己甚至甘愿做“二股东”。

  但当公司度过危机后,在狱中的黄光裕感觉到了昔日管理层的微妙变化。前述高管指出,国美团队过去一直满足于执行者角色,但在黄出事后,必须向决策者的角色进行转换,因此才与黄有了分歧。“如果黄总想一直绝对控制这个公司,2004年,他就不该让国美上市!”如果现在国美不是上市公司,“那么我们这些人,今天所做的、对媒体说的,全错!没问题,就是我们的错,因为公司就是黄总一个人的,我们是他雇来打工的,即使他说错了,我们作为打工的也该听!”

  昔日,对资本的渴望让黄光裕选择把国美推向H股,正因为资本市场的放大效应,他才三度登顶中国首富。但是,国美也从一家家族企业变成了公众公司。过去几年,黄光裕连续数年减持股份,从最初的70%左右直至今日的33.98%,“为什么要减持?就是港交所要他向公众逐步让渡公司话语权的一个过程,国美已经是公众公司了,要对全体股东负责,而不是大股东一个人。”这位高管说。

  分析人士则指出,中国司法对黄的审判,还有香港法院冻结其财产,就说明,作为一名股东,司法机关认为他已经损害了其他股东的利益。与大陆网民热衷的恩怨评判不同,在香港,黄光裕本人的戴罪之身已影响到法律专业人士对他的看法,一位香港律师幽默地表示,一听到黄光裕,他就会想到身在监狱中的大陆同行—张玉栋律师(北京思峰律所主任,2008年因涉嫌经济犯罪接受警方调查,并牵扯出黄光裕案)。

  陈晓为什么不放弃?

  数日前,身处漩涡的陈晓悄然返回上海,与家人团聚并参加了外孙女的生日PARTY。其家人也感觉他压力巨大。甚至有传闻称,为防不测,陈甚至写好了遗嘱,不过国美高层对此“八卦”予以了否认。

  但陈晓并不想放弃。他在业绩发布会上表示:“对我个人来讲,退出是最简单的选择。但这对全体股东、公司、员工,或许就不太负责任。”

  而在之前的19个月,陈晓曾多次表示过引退的意思,并三次减持股份,成为一个仅持股1.2%的小股东。对于现在不肯退出的理由,陈晓对《中国企业家》表示:“不能说我一直定位是职业经理人,我以前是个创业者,后来是职业经理人,并不是对自己的定位有变化,而是我坐在这个位置的职业道德,让我必须以全体股东利益为重。”对于黄的做法,他直言,“他不是混淆了自己作为大股东与全体股东的区别,而是把自己凌驾于全体股东之上。”

  在黄光裕看来,陈晓已是最大的“敌人”。在回答“为什么以及何时确定要坚决撤换陈晓”这一问题时,国美大股东方面的知情人士对本刊表示:7月19日至8月4日曾约谈陈晓,希望陈“体面退出”,未果,后才提起罢免案。

  陈晓则回应说:“他(指黄光裕)家人跟我谈的条件就是买我的股份,再给我一笔钱,还让我帮他处理这些股权的事,换成你,你会接受吗?”他情绪激烈地表示,自己如果接受了,才是真正违背职业经理人的职业道德。

  在随后面对香港媒体的第二场业绩发布会中,尽管明知已有媒体被黄光裕家族抛出的“阴谋论”所吸引,陈晓仍忍不住在发布会上反问:“为什么明明没有的事情,媒体就可以写成有呢?”—此时,他正谈到早在2009年初,国美面临巨大的资金缺口却融资无门,一家洽谈中的金融机构给出国美的股票估值只有0.35港元,这让国美人“很受伤”。在公司资金状况十分紧张的情况下,陈晓向银行提出,以个人家庭财产为公司提供巨额融资担保。

  但金融机构对当时的国美心存警惕,“银行甚至要求,不光是我一个人签字,我的家属也要签字,因为牵涉到那么大额度的一个责任。”这让陈晓感觉压力巨大。他坦言,这个担保到今年9月即到期,因公司状况已好转无需再担保,而他本人“也不愿意再做这个担保,这不是我的义务”。

  国美一高管也向本刊证实,有媒体称陈晓因担保事宜而与贝恩捆绑胁迫公司,几乎是“黑白颠倒”,他说,“时间点上,那时还根本没有贝恩(参与)呢,如果公司破产了,黄总自己的财产也全没了,陈总用个人的信用给公司担保,不感激也就罢了,怎么能指责呢?”

  决战之前,陈晓获得了黄光裕旧部的真正支持。另一董事孙一丁也在发布会后一脸严肃地对本刊表示,对于黄光裕的做法,“我觉得真的挺遗憾。”

  另一方面,香港当地分析人士指出,虽然在舆论上陈晓因黄光裕家族打出情感牌显得很被动,但是,“毕竟机构投资者都在境外,最终也不是大陆的网民去投票,这与汇源并购案完全不同。”分析人士认为,陈晓出牌不多,但时机很关键,且更善于利用资本市场的规则。

  例如陈晓实施的股权激励措施,曾被黄光裕家族指责为“慷大股东之慨”。一位国美高管哭笑不得地反驳说:“我们自己掏钱以1.9港元的价格购买了期权,只有股票上涨时,上涨的价格减去1.9港元的购买价格,有余额才是我们的收益,这个钱是资本市场给我们的回报,没有花大股东的钱。”这位高管反问,“在国美最困难的时候,面对猎头的挖角,我们没有一个人离开,难道我们这些人不能分享公司业绩的成果吗?”

  黄光裕方面则对本刊表示:“大股东对于期权推出的时机、动机、具体分配比例、公平性和合理性持异议。”

  另一个例证是陈晓在6月27日将总裁职务让与王俊洲。国美称这一人事变动是按照港交所的规定所做。但香港分析人士介绍说,美国安然事件后,董事局主席与CEO两职务由两人分任确实成为潮流。但考虑到亚洲企业的实际,香港证监机构只是“建议”两职务分人担任,以提升公司治理水平。“事实上,很多香港的上市公司还是由一人兼任,主动这样做的公司很少。”

  与国美董事会不同,黄光裕代理人更多是通过媒体和网络大打“感情牌”获得内地舆论广泛同情。在一些关键时点上,黄光裕家族主动出击,其反应速度之快,丝毫不逊于当年在市场上开疆拓土的速度,令国美管理层十分难堪。

  当国美发布2010中期财报,外界普遍认为财报优于预期,将成为国美董事会游说中小投资者的利器时,黄光裕方面迅速发出第三封公开信:《黄光裕解读国美新财报:领先优势即将丧失》—距离国美电器财报公布仅7个小时。

  不过,言多必失。黄氏家族也难免顾此失彼。有人指出,黄燕虹答复媒体时指陈晓缺乏领导大型企业的能力,但陈在黄手下时,黄光裕也曾称赞陈晓是中国最适合当国美“CEO”的人。

  国美的十字路口

  在“国美争夺战大片”上演之时,苏宁电器(15.25,0.58,3.95%)正在加快发展速度,其同期业绩财报显示,上半年实现收入360.55亿元,同比增长31.9%;净利润26.27亿元,同比增长53.33%。

  黄光裕家族发出的第三封公开信即结合苏宁的业绩对国美的半年业绩提出质疑,核心是指,2010年上半年上市公司部分的销售收入2487328万元,尚不及2008年2487369万元。而净利润部分仅为苏宁的三分之一。

  不过,在外界看来,国美电器对苏宁在黄光裕出事前就已无“领先优势”可谈,双方实力对比变化的转折点出现在2008年中期报告—那也是黄光裕在位时最后一份正式财报。那时,苏宁电器门店总数为752家,仍低于国美电器(上市公司)的828家—国美并未丧失黄燕虹所称的网络规模优势,但苏宁电器的营业总收入为259.19亿元,比上年同期增长37.57%;而国美同期营业总收入248.74亿元,同比增长17.6%。

  苏宁在门店规模低于国美时,其单店盈利能力的增强使营业收入总额和同比增长率均超越了国美,2008年双方的年报公布后,光大证券(15.69,0.24,1.55%)即在分析报告中指出,“苏宁在门店经营,规模扩张速度和效率,盈利能力,现金流和资产负债状况上都超越了竞争对手国美。”

  而在分析国美落败的根源时,“黄光裕于2008年底被警方带走并被定罪”是几乎所有分析师都会提到的原因。“因为创始人犯罪而公司倒闭的有无数,但是国美没有,还走出了低谷。”国美电器副总裁何阳青对本刊表示,他认为这就是现任管理团队的功绩。

  国美总裁王俊洲亦对本刊强调,现在的国美并非不去扩张,而是追求“有效扩张”,力图开出的门店都是“有效门店”。

  在给本刊的回复中,大股东方面知情人士则坚持认为,国美电器应该坚持“在提高市场占有率的‘前提’下,通过精细化管理来持续提升企业效益”的战略,“鉴于中国企业成长的经验与历史,先做大再做强是企业发展的必由之路;在二三线市场,还有广阔的发展空间,国美应当尽快加快市场的完善和布局。”

  两者对业务模式的分歧,实质是对于中国家电零售业主流发展趋势的不同判断。

  对于国美电器的未来而言,选择陈晓还是黄光裕家族,会让公司走向完全不同的发展路径,前者更看重门店效益,后者更看重网络规模。规模和效益好比零售企业的两条腿,缺一不可,其重要性不可相互替代。但在特定时期如何分配资源,选择更侧重解决哪方面的问题,则会出现完全不同的发展结果。这两条不同路径的优劣比较,已足以让机构投资者伤脑筋。

  事实上,也有舆论呼吁双方和解,避免两败俱伤的可能。但随着特别股东大会日期的确定,和解的可能性微乎其微。竺稼对《中国企业家》表示,“和解与否要看黄光裕怎么想,事情又不是我们挑起来的。”

  但若不和解,即使黄光裕获胜,身在狱中的他也需要继续寻找合适的人选接手国美,有业内人士指出,黄的难题之一即是国内比陈晓、王俊洲等人更优秀的家电零售业管理者寥寥无几,无论黄燕虹和邹晓春都非零售行业中人。“除非是他请张近东来。”他打趣说。

  而国美高层对于黄燕虹和邹晓春的业务能力也有些不屑,一国美高管即对本刊明确表示,“我们反对这两个人进入董事会。”

  若陈晓为首的国美管理层获胜,其带领公司重回正轨的任务仍然艰巨,连日的口水仗已使公司股票大跌,投资者利益受损苦不堪言。

  另一方面,如果陈晓胜出,黄光裕或会收回国美电器品牌及300多家非上市门店。不过,由于这些门店的采购体系等都由国美电器代管,一旦黄光裕收回,国美电器也将对其“断粮”。根据王俊洲介绍,部分非上市门店盈利能力正在增强,此时若因大股东与董事会纷争而成为双方博弈的弹药而被殃及,十分可惜。

  一位国美高管表示,他们最希望的,是将公司业绩做好,重塑辉煌,“这样他(黄光裕)终会理解。”时至今日,除陈晓外的国美旧部也不愿彻底和黄光裕撕破脸,一位国美高层即对本刊表示,“早晚,我们和黄总还会见面的。”
 

黄光裕二审维持原判 其妻杜鹃改判缓刑当庭释放

http://www.sina.com.cn  2010年08月30日 11:19  正义网
资料图:黄光裕与杜鹃
资料图:黄光裕与杜鹃

  正义网北京8月30日电(见习记者 高鑫)备受关注的国美黄光裕案今天上午在北京市高级人民法院进行了二审宣判。黄光裕三罪并罚被判十四年以及罚没8亿元人民币的判决维持不变;其妻子杜鹃被改判缓刑,即被判处有期徒刑三年缓期三年执行,并当庭释放。据悉,杜鹃已全部缴清罚款2亿元,黄光裕也已上缴部分罚金。

视频:黄光裕二审维持原判 其妻改判缓行 媒体来源: 财经中间站

  今年2月12日,黄光裕案经过三次退回补充侦查后,被北京市检察院第二分院以涉嫌非法经营罪,内幕交易、泄露内幕信息罪和单位行贿罪公诉至北京市第二中级人民法院。此后的4月14日和15日,法庭针对本案进行了为期一天半的庭前示证。当月22日,北京市第二中级人民法院开庭审理此案,庭审至当日21时许结束。

  5月18日,北京市第二中级法院以黄光裕犯非法经营罪判处其有期徒刑八年,并处没收个人部分财产人民币2亿元;以犯内幕交易罪判处其有期徒刑九年,并处罚金人民币6亿元;以犯单位行贿罪判处其有期徒刑二年。数罪并罚,决定执行有期徒刑十四年,并处罚金人民币6亿元,没收个人财产人民币2亿元。 

  对于同案被诉的其他被告人及被告单位,法院以内幕交易罪判处黄光裕妻子杜鹃有期徒刑三年六个月,并处罚金人民币2亿元。以内幕交易、泄露内幕信息罪,判处北京中关村(9.27,0.17,1.87%)科技发展(控股)股份有限公司原董事长许钟民有期徒刑三年,并处罚金人民币1亿元;以单位行贿罪判处许钟民有期徒刑一年,决定执行有期徒刑三年,并处罚金人民币1亿元。国美电器有限公司(以下简称国美公司)、北京鹏润房地产开发有限责任公司(以下简称鹏房公司)也因单位行贿罪分别被判处罚金人民币500万元与120万元。 

  宣判后,黄光裕认为自己不构成内幕交易罪和非法经营罪以及罚金过重,向北京市高级人民法院提出上诉。一同提出上诉的还有杜娟和许钟民。杜娟上诉认为一审量刑过重,其参与内幕交易的程度不严重,且系从犯,请求法庭对其判处缓刑;许钟民则认为其所获刑期和罚金均过重。 

  北京市高级人民法院经审理,今日对本案作出二审裁定:黄光裕三罪并罚被判十四年以及罚没8亿元人民币的判决维持不变;黄光裕妻子杜鹃被改判缓刑,即被判处有期徒刑三年缓期三年执行;许钟民被判处有期徒刑三年、并处罚金人民币1亿元的判决维持不变。

 

http://finance.sina.com.cn/g/20100830/11198571396.shtml
 

2010年8月29日

中国粮食安全无忧? China goes against grain over crops

 

正当农业市场的注意力集中在俄罗斯重大旱灾之际,软性大宗商品生产及消费领域的另一大变化正在暗中涌动:中国今年的收成平平,加之国人饮食习惯的改变,对中国传统上的"粮食自给自足"构成了很大压力,推高了价格,并促使中国大量进口粮食。

中国玉米和大豆进口量的增长,引发了这样的问题:随着国内需求上升,加上城市扩张导致农业用地减少,中国的粮食自给政策能否维系?目前,中国的玉米进口量创15年新高,而大豆进口量在5年间翻了一番。

中国国内市场上的玉米批发价格目前处于历史最高水平。行业官员预测,今年中国至少将进口100万吨玉米,远高于2008-09年区区5万吨的水平,并且是1994-1995年庄稼歉收以来的最大进口量。

今年中国的大米进口量也高于往年,中国正在越南及其它地区大举采购,令观察人士感到惊讶。

中国在海外采购其认为关乎国内粮食安全的重要农作物玉米和大米,以及大豆的进口激增,重新点燃了这样的担忧:中国的举动可能影响全球农业大宗商品市场。

"我们已看到中国对大豆的需求在国际市场上引起了多么重大的变化。假如他们对玉米的需求同样迅速上升……那显然会引起国际玉米市场的重大调整。"荷兰合作银行(Rabobank)驻伦敦的谷物分析师卢克•钱德勒(Luke Chandler)表示。

自从30年前开始经济改革以来,中国一直面对着末日预言般的警告:中国需求增长将导致全球性的粮食紧缺。事实证明,这些预言基本上都落空了。

不过,中国虽然成功实现了粮食自给自足,但依然得用有限的肥沃土地、稀缺的水资源以及相对落后的农业技术,来供养国民。

"中国的(粮食)自给率仍高达99%,但中国是个大国,而一般来说,国际农业市场很不活跃,所以当他们进入市场,尤其是一些新市场时,就可能造成很大影响。"斯坦福大学中国农业政策专家罗思高(Scott Rozelle)表示。

中国政府把粮食自给自足视为关系到国家安全的事务。为应对如何增加粮食供应方面的挑战,屡屡在农业上投入创纪录规模的资金。

全球最大的拖拉机及联合收割机制造商迪尔公司(Deere & Co)估计,今年中国政府在农业上投资1400亿元人民币(合205亿美元),较2004年的140亿美元增长了9倍。

国人饮食习惯的改变,是今年中国玉米和大豆进口增加的一个关键原因。随着中国人变得更加富裕,他们变得比以前多吃肉、少吃饭了。据美国农业部估计,尽管家庭收入不断增长,今年中国大米的绝对需求与10年前基本相当。

与此同时,玉米和大豆等用于喂养牲口的主要饲料消耗量激增,其中大豆消耗量10年来翻了一番。

中国官员对粮食进口骤增表现得不以为然。但上周,出于对玉米供应状况的担忧,中国政府采取了非同寻常的举措,一周内进行了两场玉米拍卖,以增加国内玉米供应。

目前市场正在争论:近期中国粮食(特别是玉米)进口激增,是预示着中国从此会长期在海外采购粮食,抑或只是中国局部地区天气状况不佳导致的一次性事件?1994-95年中国粮食进口也曾激增,但事后证明只是短期暂现象。

联合国粮农组织(FAO)驻罗马高级谷物经济学家阿布多尔雷扎•阿巴西安(Abdolreza Abbassian)表示:"我们的确预计中国的玉米进口将逐渐增加。但考虑到中国的总体规模和消耗情况,进口量应相当有限,估计在500万-600万吨,至多1000万吨。"根据美国农业部的数据,去年中国玉米总消耗量为1.56亿吨。

还有一些人认为,中国今后基本上会保持粮食自给自足,尤其是如果农业政策能够成功提高庄稼收成的话。

华盛顿"国际食物政策研究所"(IFPRI)所长、中国农业专家樊胜根认为,未来数年内,"中国不会成为一个很大的玉米净进口国"。

樊胜根表示,农业政策,包括生物技术相关政策,对于今后的中国庄稼收成以及粮食进口需求,将起到关键的决定性作用。

译者/杨远

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034353

 

 

While agricultural markets focus on Russia's devastating drought, another large shift in soft commodity production and consumption is lurking in the background: China's mediocre crops this year, combined with a shift in dietary habits, have strained the country's traditional sufficiency in grains, leading to higher prices and large imports.

The rise in corn and soyabean imports has raised questions over whether Beijing's policy of grain self-sufficiency will be sustainable as demand rises and agricultural land shrinks under the advance of cities. Meanwhile, corn imports are at levels not seen in 15 years, and soyabean imports have doubled in the past five.

Wholesale corn prices in local markets in China are at record levels and industry officials forecast Beijing will import at least 1m tonnes of the grain this year, up from just 0.05m tonnes in 2008-09 and the highest since crop failures in 1994-1995.

China's rice imports have also been higher than usual this year, with the country surprising observers with big purchases in Vietnam and elsewhere.

The overseas purchases of corn and rice – staples that Beijing considers key for its food security – and the surge in imports of soyabeans have revived fears over Beijing's potential to influence global agricultural commodities markets.

"We've seen what a significant change China's demand for soyabeans has had on the world market," says Luke Chandler, grain analyst at Rabobank in London. "If their demand for corn accelerates as quickly . . . then obviously that will have a significant recalibration on the world corn market."

Ever since China began economic reforms 30 years ago, it has faced apocalyptic warnings that its increasing demand would lead to food shortages worldwide. By and large, these warnings have turned out to be wide of the mark.

Yet in spite of its success at achieving self-sufficiency in grains, Beijing still has to feed its population with limited fertile land, scarce water and relatively basic agricultural technologies.

"China's [food] self-sufficiency rate is still 99 per cent, but China is a huge country, and global agricultural markets, in general, are very thin," says Scott Rozelle, an expert on Chinese agricultural policy at Stanford University. "So when they move into markets, especially new markets, they can have a big impact."

The Chinese government considers grain self-sufficiency a matter of national security and has responded to the challenges of boosting supplies by ploughing record amounts of money into agriculture.

According to estimates by Deere & Co, the world's largest manufacturer of tractors and combines, Beijing has increased its spending on farming to Rmb140bn ($20.5bn) up ten-fold from Rmb14bn in 2004.

A key driver for the rising corn and soyabean imports this year has been a dietary shift. As Chinese become wealthier, they are eating more meat and less rice. Absolute rice demand in China is basically at the same level this year as it was 10 years ago, according to estimates by the US Department of Agriculture, in spite of rising family incomes.

Meanwhile, consumption of key feedstocks such as corn and soyabeans used to fatten livestock have jumped — soyabean consumption has doubled in the past 10 years.

Officials have downplayed China's sudden surge in imports, but last week concerns over corn availability prompted the government to take the unusual step of holding two corn auctions to increase the country's corn supply.

 

The market is now debating whether recent corn imports, in particular, signal a permanent move towards overseas purchases or a one-off event due to poor weather in some of China's regions. In 1994-95 a similar surge in imports by China proved to be short-lived.

"We do expect that China's corn imports will gradually increase," says Abdolreza Abbassian, a senior grain economist at the UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation in Rome. "But given its overall size and consumption, the imports should be very modest, ranging from 5m-6m to maximum 10m tonnes China's total corn consumption last year was 156m tonnes, according to the US Department of Agriculture.

Others believe that China will be mostly self-sufficient in future, especially if agricultural policies succeed in increasing crop yields.

"China will not be a significant net importer of maize" in coming years, says Shenggen Fan, director general of the Washington-based International Food Policy Research Institute and an expert on Chinese agriculture.

Agricultural policies, including biotechnology policies, will be crucial in determining China's future crop yields and thus crop import demand, he says.

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034353/en

京藏高速拥堵的背后 Drivers in China have economy to blame for gridlock

 

中国或许是全球最大的汽车市场,但发生在京藏高速公路上,绵延上百公里、持续一周多的交通拥堵并不是客运流量增多引起的,真正的祸首是从内陆省份往沿海港口运煤的重型货车。

根据国际能源机构(IEA)的数据,中国已是全球最大的能源消费国。中国能源需求的增长如此迅速,以致基础设施建设跟不上步伐。

中国70%的电力是靠煤炭发电的。从采掘煤炭的内陆省份,往最需要煤炭的华南及华东工业区运输煤炭,是出了名的困难。

这次交通拥堵从中国第一产煤大省内蒙古绵延至秦皇岛,煤炭被运到这个港口后,会改用船运往南方的发电厂。

虽然道路施工是造成这次交通拥堵的部分原因,但从8月14日开始的拥堵只出现在一个方向上:从西向东。

用货车运煤的成本是铁路运输费用的两倍以上,但由于中国铁路运力已经超负荷,煤炭生产商们别无选择。

运煤货车造成道路拥堵的现象由来已久。今年夏季,京藏高速公路有好几个月的时间都处于拥堵的状态。这条高速公路途经内蒙古省会呼和浩特市。

中国已投入重金大力扩建公路和铁路,包括高速铁路,以缓解现有铁路的客运紧张状况。

“煤炭运输是中国铁道部工作的重中之重,或许也是他们的关键绩效指标。”麦肯锡(McKinsey)大中华区运输咨询业务负责人尤茂庭(Martin Joerss)表示。

但路还是修得不够快。“铁路运输瓶颈迄今未得到根本解决。”中国煤炭运销协会(CCTD)表示。

今年前7个月,中国铁路的煤炭运输量约为12亿吨,比去年同期增长17%。

根据官方数据,这约占同期内全国煤炭总运输量的60%。

中国一些大型煤炭公司都持有铁路运营公司的股票,以确保本公司的煤炭能够得到优先运输。

“就算你生产的煤炭足够满足全中国的需求,但你无法通过铁路把它们运到客户那里,那么市场仍会继续吃紧,价格也会继续高企。”美银美林(Bank of America Merrill Lynch)的分析师施永涛表示。

明年中国煤炭需求将增加2亿吨以上,而从内陆省份通往沿海地区的主要运煤铁路的运力仅会增加3000万吨。

译者/杨远

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034342

 

 

China may be the world’s largest car market, but the 100km traffic snarl-up that has blocked the Beijing-Tibet expressway for more than a week was not caused by a build-up of passenger traffic. The real culprit was heavy freight trucks carrying coal from inland provinces to coastal ports.

The biggest global energy consumer, according to the International Energy Agency, China’s needs have grown so fast that the infrastructure cannot keep pace.

Coal, which fuels 70 per cent of the country’s electricity, is notoriously hard to transport from the inland provinces in which it is mined to the southern and eastern industrial belts where it is most needed.

The traffic jam originated in Inner Mongolia, a top coal producer, and stretches towards Qinhuangdao, the port where coal is shipped to power plants in the south.

Although road construction contributed to the gridlock, the jam – which started on August 14 – only went one way: west to east.

While transporting coal by truck costs more than twice as much as shipping it by rail, China’s coal producers have few other options as rail freight capacity is overloaded.

Coal trucks have a history of clogging the roads. This summer traffic was jammed for months on that same highway, which runs through the Inner Mongolian capital Hohhot.

China has poured money into aggressive road and rail expansion programmes, including more high-speed railways to ease passenger traffic on existing lines.

“Coal transport is a high priority for the Ministry of Railways, probably their key performance indicator,” said Martin Joerss, head of McKinsey’s transportation practice in greater China.

But the expansion is not happening fast enough. “The railway transportation bottleneck has not yet been fundamentally resolved,” the China Coal Transport and Distribution Association said.

China’s railways carried some 1.2bn tonnes of coal in the first seven months of this year, up 17 per cent from the same period last year.

That is about 60 per cent of total coal movements during that time, according to official data.

Several of China’s larger coal companies have bought stakes in railway operators to ensure that their coal shipments get priority.

“Even if you produce enough coal to feed all of China, but you can’t transport it to the customer by railway, the market will still be tight and prices will still be high,” said Yongtao Shi, analyst at Bank of America Merrill Lynch.

China’s coal demand is set to rise by more than 200m tonnes next year, while the primary coal railway from the inland provinces to the coast is adding just 30m tonnes of capacity.

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034342/en

204只股票成基金隐形重仓股 制造业是新宠

http://www.sina.com.cn  2010年08月30日 02:21  每日经济新闻

  每经记者 李娜

  随着基金半年报的接连披露,那些被基金挑中却未进入基金重仓股行列的隐形重仓股,再次闯入投资者的视野。在这块还等待发掘的潜力土壤中,基金的目光停留在了哪里?据Wind统计显示,截至本周五,剔除基金的重仓品种,共有204家上市公司成为基金上半年度选择增持的对象,并成为基金隐形重仓股的集中营。

  制造业成隐形重仓股重镇

  在上述204家上市公司中,更多基金将目光停留在了制造业身上,普通机械制造、输变电设备制造、通信设备制造、专用设备制造等行业中的个股被众多基金收入囊中。据统计数据显示,在上述200多家上市公司中,属于制造业的上市公司占到了近1/4。

  从事电器机械及器材制造的宝胜股份(17.19,0.28,1.66%)被3只基金大量持有,其中华宝兴业多策略和广发大盘成长两只基金分别持有760多万股和400万股,成为公司二季度末的第二大和第三大流通股股东。东源电器(14.41,0.58,4.19%)在二季度末得到了嘉实基金旗下嘉实策略增长、嘉实增长两只基金的坚守。智光电气(18.51,0.09,0.49%)则是在二季度迎来了华商动态阿尔法、景顺长城优选和景顺长城内需增长二号等3只基金成为公司前十大流通股股东。事实上,统计显示,截至二季度末,已有6只基金挑中了智光电气。而大冷股份(10.97,0.25,2.33%)则由基金安顺(1.100,0.01,0.92%)加仓近190万股,华安创新成长和宝盈策略增长则是在二季度新进成为公司前十大流通股股东。中小板中的中利科技(32.79,0.60,1.86%)在一季度就已被汇添富均衡增长、宝盈策略增长和国投瑞银核心企业3只基金潜入,二季度又被诺德价值优势和汇添富价值精选挑中。

  电子元器件也受青睐

  就在制造业备受基金青睐的同时,统计显示,电子元器件和化学制品也没有 “寂寞”。数据显示,风华高科(11.50,0.25,2.22%)被基金相对于去年年底整体增持了1900多万股,中航光电(14.20,0.12,0.85%)华东科技(7.98,0.13,1.66%)也同样获得了基金1000万股以上的增持。广发聚丰基金在二季度购入了1830多万股风华高科,成为公司头号流通股股东。中航光电在二季度则是让基金集体选择了大幅增持。

  华夏平稳增长在二季度新进成为了铜峰电子(7.74,0.25,3.34%)第二大流通股股东。深天马(9.25,0.19,2.10%)A则得到了分级基金兴业合润的关注,银华优质增长、基金景福(1.086,0.02,2.07%)、景顺长城优选、大成行业轮动等多只基金,也都在二季度集体杀入。

  值得注意的是,化学制品也抓住了基金的目光。远兴能源(9.26,0.36,4.04%)赤天化(5.98,0.11,1.87%)较去年年底,分别被基金加仓了1730万股和1529万股。海利得(17.05,0.00,0.00%)二季度也被华夏基金旗下三只基金捕获。诺安股票、诺安成长和国泰金鹰增长3只基金,则是选择于今年二季度冲进了吉林化纤(5.33,0.10,1.91%)。此外,回天胶业(64.600,0.80,1.25%)久联发展(17.76,0.61,3.56%)南岭民爆(23.70,0.00,0.00%)也都获得了基金青睐。

 

http://finance.sina.com.cn/stock/zldx/20100830/02218568066.shtml

沪深交易所盈利超50亿 深交所30多亿建大楼

http://www.sina.com.cn  2010年08月28日 00:12  经济观察报
沪深交易所盈利超50亿深交所30多亿建大楼
图为深交所运营中心(资料图)。

  张勇 黄利明 李保华

  上海证券交易所 (下称 “上交所”)和深圳证券交易所(下称“深交所”)有多么殷实的家底?公众的心里并没有个数字。

  但是从一个侧面可以看出来。令人瞩目的是上交所和深交所在建的交易所大楼,所花费的资金绝大部分都是他们自筹资金。

  未来一至三年,在上海和深圳这两个中国金融聚集的城市核心区域,将出现两座设计独特且造价不菲的大楼,分别被称为上海金融交易广场和深交所运营中心。后者的“漂浮平台”设计方案由央视新大楼设计者、建筑设计大师雷姆・库哈斯担任首席设计师的荷兰大都会建筑事务所(OMA)设计。

  而两座大楼的主人,前者是上交所、中国金融期货交易所(下称“中金所”)和中国证券登记结算有限公司(下称“中证登”),后者则是深交所。

  据本报获悉,两座大楼的土地和建设成本不菲,上海金融交易广场计划共耗资55亿元,而将更早完工的深交所运营中心的建设总投资从最初的25亿元几经调整,目前据说已经上报证监会的预算是30多亿,但还有一种说法认为最终建成可能需要花费更多。

  “即使其中有部分是通过贷款,但自有资金的规模也是相当可观的。”在上海某大型券商高管看来,历经中国证券市场20年风雨,交易所积累的盈利必须要找到承载方式,而造楼则可能是最好的途径。

  大搬家

  美国纽约百老汇大街18号,华尔街拐角的南侧,著名的纽约证券交易所 (NewYorkStockExchange,NYSE)就坐落于此。不到10层楼高的纽交所大楼,除了悬挂的那面巨大的美国国旗,这个综合来说全球最大的营利性证券交易所,从外面来看没有引人瞩目的地方。

  相比较而言,上交所和深交所两家“不以营利为目的”的会员制证券交易所未来的大楼要比纽交所气势恢弘得多。

  紧靠深圳深南大道中段北侧的原高交会馆地块,是寸土寸金的黄金地段,未来的深交所大楼就在这儿。今年6月26日,被命名为深交所运营中心的深交所新大楼正式封顶,而其正式完工的日期则是2011年8月。

  据了解,深交所运营中心建筑总高245.8米,总建筑面积26.7万平方米,是现代化的超高层办公楼。知情者透露,这座新大楼在建设的3年多时间里,预算已不断攀升。

  “这座大楼的建设难度比一般的大楼要高。”接近深交所的人士告诉本报,由于有“悬挑”的设计,因此造价攀升不少。

  资料显示,深交所运营中心由方正的塔楼和空中悬挑的裙楼所组成,裙楼两个方向的悬挑高度达到36米和22米,为国内罕见的巨型悬挑超高层建筑。运营中心由荷兰建筑事务所OMA负责设计,可以“媲美”央视75米悬挑高度的新大楼。

  而上述人士则介绍说:“之前的一个建筑方案是悬挑裙楼可以自由升降,以此用来表示股市的升降,但是因为造价太高取消了。”

  紧随深交所之后,上交所、中金所及中证登上海分公司也在今年6月份正式确定了上海金融交易广场的设计单位。

  6月10日,上海建筑设计研究院有限公司在6家中外设计公司中脱颖而出,负责位于上海浦东竹园商贸区“巴士地块”上的上海金融交易广场项目设计。据本报了解,该项目占地面积5万平方米,建筑面积为22万平方米,毗邻上海科技馆和世纪公园。

  据悉,目前上交所、中金所和中证登共同出资设立了上海竹园工程管理有限公司以负责开发上海金融交易广场项目,而上交所内部人士透露,项目整体工程预算为40亿元,上交所、中金所和中证登的投资比例大约为6:3:1。

  如果加上地价,上海金融交易广场的整体投资则将在55亿元左右。2008年2月,上交所、中金所和中证登分别以10.935亿元、8.8亿元和4.41亿元的价格拿下上述地块。本报致电上交所办公室人士张炜,但他表示无法就此提供任何信息。

  造楼

  据本报了解,在证监会内部,亦对深交所花巨资盖楼有所争议,同时认为软件提升,特别是关乎监管、服务能力方面的提升才是交易所的重点。

  四家单位此次大兴土木,的确有发展的需要。但是在证券行业的一些内部人士看来,“造楼藏富”或许则是这些金融交易平台不愿意说出的真实原因之一。

  1990年底,上交所和深交所这两家带有试点性质的证券交易所分别在沪深两地挂牌成立,其最初的办公场地当时狭小简陋。在那个市场经济起步不久的年代,交易所的创建者们甚至担心交易所能否长期维持。

  上交所的早期办公地位于上海市黄浦路上生意冷清的浦江饭店,而深交所的场地则在深圳市上步工业区203栋。20世纪末,沪深交易所分别搬入浦东南路上的上海证券大厦和深南大道上的深业中心大厦,不仅处于核心区域,也宽敞许多。

  不过,此次搬入的办公地也并非交易所所属的物业。据了解,上海证券大厦是保利集团与上交所联合投资,总投资接近10亿元,上交所占据的比例不到30%,而且大楼地皮属于保利集团。而深业中心大厦则完全属于深业集团,深交所纯粹是租赁。

  上交所打算建造大楼的时候,分别在陆家嘴(18.91,0.20,1.07%)商务广场和中国保险大厦租赁办公的中金所和中证登上海分公司也在此次一同加入了造楼行列。

  上交所和深交所是中金所的股东,同时这两家证券交易所在中证登公司各占50%股份。

  “造大楼一方面是交易所发展的必要,另一方面则是为给多年来累积的巨额盈利寻找存在形式。”接近上交所的一位人士称,20年的发展,沪深交易所积累的盈利保守估计也超过了50亿元,而作为“不以营利为目的”的自律性机构,如此大的利润将如何处理无疑是个难题。

  上述人士说:“造楼是最好的处理方式,能够保值也可以名正言顺。”

  也正式因此,“这次造楼搬家交易所贷款的金额并不多。”上述人士还透露说。

  收入格局演变

  随着中小企业板和创业板的陆续推出,曾经仅仅是在上交所之后跟随的深交所越来越有赶超“老大”的趋势,而在深交所之后,新兴的中金所则势头更是迅猛,其仅仅半年收入规模就能与沪深交易所抗衡。

  “中国的金融交易平台虽然大多是不以营利为目的,但实际上这些年都积累了巨大的现金。”某外资投行上海代表处的首席代表对本报表示,即使是低调的中证登,由于其垄断地位,收入也十分可观。

  但对于各大交易所每年的利润情况,一直是一个谜,有的交易所虽然也有财务报告,但是极少为外界看到。

  沪深交易所的收入来源主要在于交易经手费、上市公司缴纳费用和交易席位费,中金所的收费比沪深交易所缺少上市公司一项,而中证登则依靠过户费、派息登记费等。

  沪深交易所的交易经手费比例为双向0.015%,中金所则是双向0.01%,这是最大的一块收入。根据交易所公开的数据,沪深交易所以往五年平均的年交易金额都在数十万亿元的规模,也就是说仅仅交易经手费一项,沪深交易所每年就收进了数十亿元利润。而股指期货交易80天,已经有20亿元人民币进到了中金所的账户里。

  而在深交所上市公司数量不断增加之后,深交所的交易规模也开始逐渐赶上上交所,交易所的收入格局也开始发生变化。

  截至2010年8月27日,深交所A股的上市公司数量已经达到1027只,超过上交所862只A股的数量。在成交量方面,深交所已经从几年前每日交易金额只有上交所一半甚至三分之一变为如今基本与上交所持平的局面。

  接近中金所的一位人士告诉本报,以目前股指期货的交易情况而言,如果保持下去,中金所将无疑是未来的收入排名新“霸主”。

  最重要的是,这些交易所一直以来积累下来的财富并没有一个很好的处置方式,也没有对会员单位进行返还。“不以营利为目的”的两大证券交易所大兴土木,就是在这样的背景下发展而来。

 

http://finance.sina.com.cn/stock/y/20100828/00128563911.shtml

基金上半年巨亏4397.5亿 管理费托管费双双上涨

http://www.sina.com.cn  2010年08月30日 02:46  上海证券报

  上半年股票型基金仅一只盈利,规模越大亏损越多,管理费、托管费双双上涨

  ⊙记者 周宏

  60家基金管理公司旗下661只基金的半年报全部披露完毕。统计显示,基金上半年合计亏损4397.5亿元,其中股票型基金全线亏损,仅一只基金盈利。

  按“基金公司”分类统计,上半年无一家基金公司的旗下基金整体盈利。其中,华夏、易方达,博时、南方、广发、嘉实、大成等一线基金公司因为管理资产规模庞大,成为亏损的重头。

  不过,上半年基金公司的管理费收入和托管银行的托管费收入却齐刷刷增长。根据天相统计,60家基金管理公司的管理费收入合计达到149亿元,相比去年同期增长19%,托管银行托管费收入26.22亿元,相比去年同期增长16%。

  上半年,基金从管理费收入中支出21.05亿元,作为银行等销售渠道的客户服务费,这个支出几乎占到基金自身收入的14%,相比去年增长近两成。销售费用的节节攀高成为整个基金业健康发展的重大负担,这也说明基金行业在走过快速增长期后,其各项费用支出和实际规模增长逐渐出现偏离。

  在经历了近8个月的考验后,基金对于后市的观点进一步趋于一致,认为A股市场难以再现系统性上涨机会,有的只是结构性行情。华商盛世等基金认为,A股市场将进入“观察期”,2500点至2800点会成为主要波动区间。

  基金对政策方面的判断也渐趋稳定,多数认为政策不会出现较大波动。


http://finance.sina.com.cn/money/fund/20100830/02468568180.shtml

2010年8月28日

北京海淀区限价房申请者61%是公务员

http://www.sina.com.cn  2010年08月28日 00:12  经济观察报

  可疑的保障房买主

  贾华杰

  在北京海淀区限价房 “美和园”7号楼下,常常见到一辆宝马车。4月20日,国务院办公厅督查室刘斌副主任在视察海淀廉租房建设时就看到了这辆车,他当时指示,“马上调查这车是私人还是单位的”。据了解情况人士告诉本报记者,“后来调查宝马车就是小区业主的,但之后这辆宝马仍经常出入。”

  保障房的业主买宝马,这并非个案。记者在进一步的调查中发现,北京保障房已经跑出本应遵循的轨道——本来为城市中低收入者提供服务的保障房,在实际运作之中成为公务员享受公权的通道。

  以海淀为例,在记者掌握的3725个详细的区级限价房申请者的名单中,与政府相关的人员占比超过了61%。而且,这一比例还由于摇号过程的灰色而更为复杂,在实际分配的房源中,有政府背景人员比区级公示的比例更高,根据记者统计,一些限价房的获得者90%都是与政府相关。

  “法院楼”、“人大楼”、“社科楼”、“中科院楼”、“建委楼”、“政协楼”、“公安楼”……北京保障房似乎变身为早年的福利房。

  限价房“美和园”

  位于上地科技园附近的金隅美和园是海淀区首批入住的限价房之一,当时政府为美和园制定的销售价格不超过7000元每平方米。

  截至今年7月底,美和园有1284名业主拿到钥匙。但入住不久的美和园业主就开始出现严重的社会分层。以安宁庄西路为界,小区被划分为东区和西区。

  美和园的东区业主以拆迁户为主,这些人主要来自西单长安街沿线街道,为配合2009年国庆盛典的举行而拆迁过来。这些人补偿标准比较高,多数人在小区有3套以上的房子。

  即使如此,对比以前在长安街边的奢华光阴,拆迁户经常是恍若隔世,“以前遛弯都在中南海,今天这是哪儿呀?这荒凉的地方!”

  但在美和园的西区,业主则是典型的“高知”阶层。8月18日,记者从西区公示板上看到一份业委会委员候选人名单,记者简单抄录了这份名单:赵某(天体物理学专业硕士)就职中国气象局;巩某(博士)中国科学院副研究员;于某(硕士)北京律师助理;胡某(北京大学硕士)北京市国土局;何某(计算机硕士)国家图书馆;刘某(工业自动化学士)中国航天研究院;杨某(法学硕士)北京市公安局;纪某(流行病与卫生系统硕士)国家医药考试中心;胡某(逻辑学硕士)中国社会科学院;韩某(博士)北京理工大学教授;王某(环境规划硕士)北京大学;康某(已退休、历史学学士)东城房屋土地经营管理中心。

  东区的居民说,“筹备中的美和园业主委员会由西区主导,‘高知’是不带他们玩的”。

  “高知”们的加入,加剧了对小区车位的需求,虽然承建商金隅集团已按北京建委配建标准要求,以10户配3的标准,设置了停车位,但现在停车位远远不够用了,物业公司不得不在小区道路上又划出100多个车位。

  在美和园,还有205套限价房闲置期超过了1年。这205套闲置限价房位于西区的8号楼和6号楼。其中6号楼1层底商已经出售,并投入了使用。6号楼尚余96套,而8号楼全部的108套均在闲置之中。

  其实,早在2009年4月,美和园第一批限价房业主即已入住,以此时间计算,6号楼和8号楼空置时间已经超过了16个月。这让美和园小区居民不得不猜测,”这两栋楼是预留给相关单位的”。

  除了出现了整栋楼房空置之外,美和园的整体出租率也很高,楼盘周边多个房屋中介人员表示,美和园的出租率大概在30%,目前,两居的市场报价为每月3400元左右。

  61%申请者是公务员

  北京保障房分配公示信息极为隐晦,本报记者了解的实际情况是,街道办事处接受申请材料,进行所谓入户审核,在社区公告栏张贴公示,再转入区级网上公示,随后进入市级政府信息备案。

  至关重要的相关人员的工作信息仅在区级公示中能够看到,海淀区网络公示信息是不保留的,5天后即删除。而北京市政府官方网站公布的“公示信息和摇号信息”往往是无效连接。

  本报记者从各个渠道获得了海淀地区3725个详细的区级申请人员名单。通过数据分析发现,在申请者中,与政府相关的人员占比超过了61%。这里所谓的政府相关人员是指国有企业人员、公务员、财政支持的学校研究院所以及其他事业单位。

  北京市限价商品住房备案结果公示系统显示,截至8月19日,海淀区已完成限价房备案的名单为20034个。记者作为样本分析的3725个名单约占总数的18.6%。

  在3725个样本中,国有企业申请者为772名,占总数的21%,政府机关公务员为381名,占比10%,高校、科研院所为698名,占比19%,事业单位为392名,占比11%,社会类企业和其他类型为1482名,占比39%。

  3725个样本中,政府代表有海淀公安局、学院路街道办、海淀建委等;科研院校代表有中国科学院、清华大学、首都体育学院等;事业单位代表有儿童医院、国家图书馆等单位;国企代表则有中国一航、中国兵器工业集团等。

  虽然北京保障房整体偏向政府相关人员,但在一些区域上也有自己的特点,例如海淀区就更偏向于“高知”阶层。

  2008年8月29日,海淀区举行的旗胜家园限价房的配售摇号“仪式”上,中科院院京区单位在通过备案的219户全部中签,占海淀区中签户数的10.6%。同样政策运作下,在海淀美和园限价房配售中,又有130户中签。

  在中科院的“示范”效应下,遵循海淀区的“特殊定向房”的政策,北京师范大学亦为校内教师争取到了239套西三旗限价房,分别是旗胜家园D16-2号(1-28层)整楼以及D16-4号楼(1-5层)的15套。

  另外。除美和园外,昌平西三旗旗胜家园限价房,亦有近一半房屋定向分配给了北京师范大学、中国科学院、北京大学等单位。

  福利房回潮

  按照海淀样本,保障房申请者61%以上都是政府相关人员,如果政府在分配过程中不再 “进行操作”,那么最终结果也应当与此比例持平,但最终结果会怎么样?

  按照规定,申请者提交申请之后,随后进入街道和区级审核,但一位已通过区级限价房公示的律师说,街道和区级审核基本流于形式,而北京市的审核则是通过个人纳税情况和公积金缴纳基数进行收入推导。“但谁都知道,高校和科研机构人员的兼职收入是很少主动申报交税的。”这位律师说。

  经过三级审核之后,按照政策海淀区的名单公示就转入备案,即进入了“轮候”程序。但遗憾的是,在北京建委公示系统中,备案名单和最终房屋摇号中签者的工作单位等信息均被隐去,外界难以看出最终分配结果的全貌。

  2008年海淀首批摇号结果公布后,海淀建委曾表示,“摇号完全是公开、公平、公正的。”实际上,首批进行摇号分配的美和园就有建委人员入住。这个小区内,还有一些楼层被物业人员戏称为“人大楼”、“社科楼”、“中科院楼”。

  本报记者对海淀区最近一期“领秀慧谷”限价房的摇号结果进行了跟踪和分析,发现在534个限价房中签者中,除去无法查询到任何公示信息的人外,90%均是与政府相关人员。”

  除去这些公开进行配售的保障房外,在西三旗旗胜家园限价房中,有中央部委在其中有单独一栋楼,他们还把本来公用的地下车库,用电动门锁起来,仅允许自己人使用,此外,在海淀田村的保障房项目中,也有多个部委参与分配。

  而朝阳常营保障房小区有北京高级法院几栋楼,他们自己把这几栋楼与小区其他住户隔离了起来,自己单独另请物业公司管理。据了解,农业部在东坝也有定向的安置房。

  除去占据北京公开的保障房外,由国务院机关事务管理负责的各个部委福利分房的渠道也存在,此外北京市各个政府机关也存在自我单位建房的情况,而这些,都会算在北京市住房保障建设的大盘子里。

  北京建委官员曾私下对本报记者表示,“之前的定向分配导致现在工作极为被动。”而记者从住建部住房政策专家委员会了解到,实际上政府内部对如何公平分配保障房也没有讨论。

  由于缺乏公平的分配机制,华东师范大学的陈映芳教授担心,北京保障房的分配与此前广受诟病的经济适用房和安居工程一样,该项政策的执行结果是:国家的财富再次进入了一部分富裕阶层的腰包。


http://finance.sina.com.cn/roll/20100828/00128563942.shtml

2010年8月26日

书评:《亚洲有被美国孤立的危险》 Region in the shadow of two giants

 

《后危机时代,亚洲有被美国孤立的危险》(Asia Alone:The Dangerous Post-Crisis Divide from America),戴尚志(Simon Tay)著,Wiley

出版社出版,单价24.95美元/16.99英镑。

上月,美国国务卿希拉里•克林顿(Hillary Clinton)向出席亚洲安全会议的代表们表示,美国支持和平解决南中国海的领土争端问题。美国将愿意协调多边谈判。与会的27个国家中,有12个表示支持她的倡议,其中包括越南及其它长期以来一直与中国存在海事争议的国家。但中国不高兴。它声称,几乎整个南海——包括航运通道和油气储量——都属于中国。它更喜欢在双边基础上与邻国打交道,拒绝企图将南海问题"国际化"的努力。

乔治•W•布什(George W. Bush)任总统期间,伊拉克与阿富汗战争分散了美国的注意力,太平洋地区被忽视了好几年。如今,"太平洋总统"巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)正寻求重新接触变化迅速的亚洲。希拉里的干预表明,在忙着巩固与中印(亚洲极为重要的新秀)的关系之际,华盛顿并没有忘记更广大的区域。关于奥巴马政府区域政策背后的两难困境,《后危机时代,亚洲有被美国孤立的危险》一书作出了出色的解读。全书充满了智慧,且颇具可读性。

戴尚志是一位新加坡学者,他全面诠释了亚洲视角;该地区在历史上常常遭到外来者的殖民。更妙的是,与那些赞美陈腐而自以为是的"亚洲价值观"的人不同,戴尚志避开了吹毛求疵的基调。他的观点务实、着眼全球。他看到了,对于在中国车前灯照射下的亚洲,美国在某种程度上的介入有一些好处。

戴尚志颇为机敏,他不希望美国扮演警长的角色,以求制衡中国不断扩大的实力。相反,他给出了下述论点。自二战以来,美国一直在亚洲扮演超级强大力量(如果说基本上是友善的话)的角色,维持和平(除朝鲜半岛与越南外)、支持经济增长。他写道:"长久以来,美国是亚洲人的共同参照。就像围绕毂的辐条一样,亚洲人与美国的关系比相互之间要更为亲近。 "

这种附属关系已经结束。1997年亚洲危机后,它便开始破裂。与美国关系密切的国际货币基金组织(IMF)开出的一剂苦药,让双方起了争端。自1997年以来,亚洲一直蓬勃发展,尽管是依靠美国需求的支撑。该地区在政治上已经变得更加一体化,如今,复杂的贸易协定网又将它们捆绑在了一起。而且,许多亚洲人觉得,美国已经失足——无论是道德上(在阿布格莱布监狱(Abu Ghraib)、在关塔纳摩湾(Guantánamo Bay)),还是经济上(在华尔街)。

戴尚志并没有为旧式师徒关系的消逝感到遗憾。但他确实看到了实力真空带来的危险。美国可能会转向贸易保护主义,亚洲则会转向骄傲自大导致的孤立。"亚洲国家、尤其是中国是这场危机的相对赢家,这种感觉十分明显。"此外,尽管他承认亚洲需要增加消费、减少对美出口,但他担心,如果没有政治再平衡的配合,这种经济再平衡可能会让双方分道扬镳。

这种情况非常有可能发生(或许比较遥远)。戴尚志认为这会很危险。的确,他有些担忧中国的实力。他在书中写道:"亚洲的一个情景是,各国向崛起的中国建立新的朝贡体系,'北京共识'将深入人心,以及或许会重提'亚洲价值'以证明政府强大地位的合理性。"他还担心,如果没有美国这个"牵头合作伙伴",亚洲各国可能会互相争吵,甚至会发生战争。亚洲陷于孤立,可能会导致诸如南海争端之类的纠纷,引发中日等世仇国家的怒火,或者产生新的冲突——或许在中印之间。

戴尚志称,尽管东盟(ASEAN)取得一些进展,刚刚培育出区域一体化的感觉,但亚洲仍缺乏欧盟(EU)那样的稳定机制。"美国主导地位令他们恼火,但亚洲并没有团结的历史,也没有独自走向未来的公认领导"。

在本书的最后三分之一部分,戴尚志敦促建立一种新型的跨太平洋关系,美国作为"在亚洲地区有重大利益的关键合作伙伴"发挥缓和影响力。亚洲不需要在美中之间选择,而是应该与两方面都搭建桥梁。戴尚志表示,只有一个强大、但更谦逊的美国才能掌握与一个新兴超级大国和一个快速发展地区打交道的技巧。否则的话,亚洲只能独立行事。在他看来,这是一个亚洲迄今还未准备好的挑战。

作者是英国《金融时报》亚洲版主编

译者/何黎

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034326

 

 

Asia Alone:The Dangerous Post-Crisis Divide from America

By Simon Tay (Wiley, $24.95 £16.99)

Last month, Hillary Clinton told delegates at an Asian security gathering that the US supported the peaceful resolution of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. The US would be willing to facilitate multilateral negotiations, the secretary of state said. Twelve of the 27 nations attending, including Vietnam and other countries that have long-running maritime disputes with China, supported her initiative. Beijing was unhappy. It claims almost all of the South China Sea – with its shipping lanes and oil and gas deposits – for itself. China prefers to deal with its neighbours one by one, rejecting attempts to "internationalise" the issue.

After years of neglect during the presidency of George W. Bush, when the US was distracted by wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Barack Obama, the "Pacific president", is seeking to re-engage with a fast-changing Asia. Mrs Clinton's intervention signals that Washington has not forgotten the wider region in its rush to cement ties with China and India, the really important kids on the block. Asia Alone, an intelligent and readable book, is an excellent guide to the dilemmas behind the Obama administration's regional push.

Simon Tay, a Singaporean academic, fleshes out an Asian perspective in an area too often colonised by outsiders. Better still, he avoids the carping tone of those from the region who extol the tired righteousness of "Asian values". His is a pragmatic, international voice that sees virtue in some sort of US presence in a region caught in Chinese headlights.

Mr Tay is too subtle to want the US to act as sheriff, a counterweight to China's growing power. Instead, his thesis goes as follows. Since the second world war, the US has acted as an imperious, if largely benign, presence in the region, keeping the peace (Korea and Vietnam aside) and championing economic growth. "The enduring common reference for Asians has been the US," he writes. "Like spokes joined to a central hub, Asians have been more closely connected to the US than to each other."

That subservient arrangement is over. It began to splinter after the 1997 Asian crisis. The two sides fell out over bitter medicine prescribed by the International Monetary Fund, a body closely associated with the US. Since 1997, Asia has prospered, albeit on the back of US demand. The region has become more politically integrated, and a complex network of trade agreements now binds it together. Meanwhile, many Asians feel the US has stumbled – morally (in Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo Bay), and economically (on Wall Street).

Mr Tay doesn't mourn the passing of the old, pupil-mentor relationship. But he does see dangers in a vacuum. The US could drift into protectionism, Asia into hubris-induced isolation. "The sense that most Asian nations and especially China are relative winners from the crisis is palpable," he says. And while he agrees that Asia needs to consume more and ship less of what it produces to the US, he worries such economic rebalancing – if not countered by political rebalancing – could set both on separate paths.

This is a real, if perhaps distant, possibility. Mr Tay thinks it would be dangerous. Part of his concern is, indeed, over Chinese power. "A new tributary system to a risen China is one scenario for Asia, with the spread of the Beijing consensus and perhaps a reincarnation of 'Asian values' to justify the strong role of the state," he writes. He also fears that without their US "lead partner",

Asians could bicker, or even fight. Being alone could ignite disputes like that in the South China Sea; fan the flames of old animosities like that between Japan and China; or kindle new ones, perhaps between China and India.

Despite progress by the Association of South East Asian Nations, which has nurtured a fledgling sense of regionalism, Asia lacks the stabilising institutions of the European Union, he argues. "American dominance has rankled with them, but Asians have no history of unity, and no agreed vision of leadership to step into a future with Asia on its own."

In the last third of the book, Mr Tay urges a new kind of trans-Pacific relationship, with the US as a tempering influence, "an essential partner with vital interests in the region". In slightly strained language, he invokes what he calls the "Power of &". The region need not choose between the US and China, but should build bridges to both. Only a strong, but more humble America can pull off the trick of dealing with an emerging superpower and a fast-growing region, he says. The alternative is for Asia to go it alone. In Mr Tay's opinion, that is a challenge for which it is not yet ready.

The writer is the FT's Asia editor

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034326/en

FT社评:人民币宜小步迈向储备货币 China’s renminbi goes slowly global

 

重大的全球实力转移,往往伴随着国际储备货币的变更。因此,中国正采取措施拓宽国际投资者使用人民币的范围,是很说明问题的。北京方面相信,主导全球经济与主导全球货币体系是分不开的。

国际化人民币的措施并非新事。香港各银行提供离岸人民币账户已有六年多,而中国与外国央行之间的货币互换协议自2000年以来一直存在。但近期中国在这方面的步伐却有所加快。针对海外人民币转移的限制已经放松,允许企业用人民币结算跨境贸易的一个项目得到扩大。上周开放国内债券市场的决定,意义尤其重大。在那之前,人民币的海外持有者几乎没有投资机会。

不过,这只是些小步骤。对于中国能否走完人民币迈向储备货币地位的旅程,情况远非明朗。

要成为储备货币,人民币必须能够完全自由兑换——无论是在资本账户还是在经常账户上。但这将意味着使中国受到全球资本的摆布,而这正是中国一直在防范的(其庞大的外汇储备就证实了这一点)。更自由的资本流动,也可能对中国国内银行产生破坏稳定的作用,在繁荣时期制造流动性泡沫,在局面恶化时切断信贷供应。银行业将再也不是宏观经济政策的有效工具(就像它在本次危机期间按照政府指令大举放贷那样)。它将成为经济动荡加剧的来源,而非药方。

对中国政府来说,更难以承受的前景是丧失对人民币的控制。在大量资本流入的情况下,保持盯住汇率是极其困难的。而如果外国对人民币需求的上升推高人民币的币值,中国的出口导向型增长模式(这种模式有赖于人民币低估)可能会变得不可持续。

几十年后,中国将成为全球最大经济体。人民币最终取得储备货币地位是顺理成章的事。中国不宜过早推进这一过程,以免影响经济稳定。但是,中国越早启动国内改革、让自己对这一转变做好准备,就越容易适合新的国际角色。

译者/和风

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034332

 

 

Great power shifts are usually accompanied by changes in the international reserve currency. So it is telling that China is taking steps to broaden the use of the renminbi among international investors. Dominance of the global economy, Beijing believes, goes hand-in-and with dominance of the global monetary system.

Measures to internationalise the renminbi are nothing new. Hong Kong banks have offered offshore renminbi accounts for more than six years, and currency swap agreements with foreign central banks have been in place since 2000. But they have accelerated in recent months. Restrictions on offshore transfers have been eased and a programme allowing companies to settle cross-border trades in renminbi expanded. Last week’s decision to open up domestic bond markets was particularly significant. Until then there were few investment opportunities for international holders of renminbi.

These are, however, only small steps. Whether China will be able to stomach the rest of the renminbi’s journey to reserve currency status is far from clear.

A reserve renminbi would have to be fully convertible, on the capital account as well as the current account. But this would imply opening up China to the whims of global capital – precisely what it has been protecting itself against (as its huge foreign exchange reserves attest). Freer capital flows may also prove destabilising for domestic banks, creating liquidity bubbles in good times and choking off the credit supply as conditions deteriorate. No longer would the banking sector be an effective instrument of macroeconomic policy, as it has been during the crisis with its government-induced lending sprees. It would be a source of, and not a remedy to, increasing economic volatility.

Even less palatable for the government is the prospect of losing control over the renminbi. Maintaining a currency peg in the face of massive capital inflows is extremely difficult. And if increasing foreign demand for the renminbi pushes up its value, China’s export-led growth model – which relies on an undervalued currency – may become unsustainable.

China will become the world’s largest economy in the next few decades. It is natural that the renminbi eventually attains reserve currency status. China should not push this process forward prematurely, lest it destabilises its economy. But the sooner it starts the domestic reforms that will prepare it for such a shift, the easier it will find its new international role.

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034332/en

“曲线”投资中国 Investors take indirect route to tap into China’s boom

 

中国刺激政策拉动内需迅速增长,从而改变着中国迅猛经济增长的构成情况,在这种背景下,投资者正越来越多地从一些新的角度,来看待如何投资于这条“巨龙”的问题。

融入“中国增长故事”有可能前景莫测。中国的外汇市场基本上仍在政府控制之下;债券市场规模较小,且相关法律框架不完善;而股市的表现一直无法如实反映总体经济上的成功。

尽管今年上半年中国的国内生产总值(GDP)增长了11.3%,但在全球主要股市中,上证综指仍是今年表现第二差的指数,仅强于希腊。

难怪投资界要另辟蹊径,借助资源、外汇、债务、非中国股票等多种渠道,来建立“中国敞口”。

长期以来,投资大宗商品是投资中国的一种方式,其中铜是一种传统之选。

这种红色金属对于基础设施开发和提高能效都十分重要。近年来,铜(消耗量)已成为衡量中国工业产出的良好指针,这种状况看来会持续下去。

2000年,中国铜购买量占全球12%。根据麦格理(Macquarie)的研究,2009年这一比例已扩大到40%。巴克莱资本(BarCap)的凯文•诺里什(Kevin Norrish)表示,铅在中国同样供不应求。中国目前的铅购买量占全球的43.5%。而为了减轻各大城市的污染,中国近期采取了多项举措,关停了许多冶炼厂,对国内铅供应状况构成了压力。

中国汽车和电动自行车市场的蓬勃发展,应会使铅需求保持强劲。关键问题是,在无须大量进口的情况下,中国自身能够供应多少铅。

在与中国相关的大宗商品中,摩根士丹利(Morgan Stanley)选中的是煤炭。近年来,由于需求不断增长,中国已变成了煤炭净进口国。与此同时,相邻的煤炭生产国,如蒙古等,则在考虑开发新项目,以利用这股日益增强的趋势。

在农产品中,巴克莱资本青睐玉米。随着收入不断增长,中国人并未明显转向食用咖啡和巧克力——对肉类的兴趣倒是见长。而玉米既可供人食用,也可用于牲畜饲养,因此能够很好地反映饮食习惯的变化。

“中国多年来一直是玉米净出口国,如今开始在进口与出口之间摇摆。我们认为这只是开端,最终中国将转变成结构性的玉米进口国。”诺里什表示。

对“中国粉丝”投资者来说,大宗商品颇具吸引力,原因正如资深投资者吉姆•罗杰斯(Jim Rogers)所言:“(它们)是建立中国敞口的最佳途径,因为不用担心央行、公司治理、财务报表等各种名堂,而且中国购买的大宗商品肯定是最多的。”

相比之下,投资中国企业债券则可能带来重大挑战,因为违约后的偿还率几乎无从判断。

“在企业债券的债权人权利方面,中国在亚洲垫底。”安本资产管理公司(Aberdeen Asset Management)债务投资组合经理陈惜恩(Esther Chan)表示,“对债权人来说,破产过程无法证实,过往经历也无法给投资者多大安慰。而印尼等以往经历过多次危机的国家,对待债权人比较友善。”

与此同时,分析师表示,少数知名中国企业所发行的债券也开始显得昂贵。百货商店连锁经营商百盛(Parkson)的债券收益率从逾7%跌至4.5%左右。关联不那么直接的投资品种,例如巴西钢铁企业所发行的债券,随着巴西国内增长的腾飞,开始逐渐丧失其中国色彩。

陈惜恩如今希望通过房地产公司债券,建立中国敞口。

陈惜恩表示:“如果你愿意承受政策制定者抑制楼市举措所带来的波动性,那就吧眼光放长远,只投资一流中国房地产企业发行的债券。中国地产类债券的风险收益情况颇为诱人,提供了从中国中产阶层财富不断增长中获益的机会。”

在外汇市场,对于希望从中国增长中分一杯羹的投资者来说,澳元仍是最受青睐的币种。澳元走势与中国经济发展状况密切相关——澳大利亚为中国供应建筑业和基础设施所需的原材料,而不是像邻近的韩国和台湾一样,向中国供应制造出口商品所需的零部件。

对于股票投资者来说,也还是有一些方式可以通过投资从中国的增长中获益——即使是在西方市场上。不过,他们的目光瞄准了个别公司。

摩根士丹利的乔纳森•加纳(Jonathan Garner)近期对中国宏观经济形势的转变进行了研究,得出以下结论:许多大型跨国企业的股票,有望从中国工资增长及消费模式变化中获益。

它们大多是享誉国际、以中等收入消费者为目标的品牌,如耐克(Nike)、百胜餐饮集团(Yum! Brands)、联合利华(Unilever)、H&M和欧莱雅(L’Oréal)。这些企业的发展潜力空前——加纳预计,到2020年,“金砖四国”可支配收入在1万美元以上的家庭,将超过美国和欧元区之和,而此类家庭增加最多的将是中国。

投资界传递出的信息似乎是:直接通过股市投资于中国增长仍不太容易,但除此之外,还有很多方式可以投资于这条巨龙。

译者/杨远

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034317

 

 

With a stimulus-fuelled boom in domestic demand altering the composition of China’s breakneck growth, investors are increasingly looking at fresh angles to buy the dragon.

Gaining exposure to China’s growth story can be a tricky prospect – China’s currency is still largely controlled by the state, its bond market is small and suffers from a weak legal structure, and Chinese equities have been a poor indicator of the country’s economic success.

The Shanghai Composite index remains the second-worst performing major equity market in the world this year, after Greece, despite gross domestic product growth steaming ahead at 11.3 per cent in the first half of 2010.

So it comes as little surprise that the investment community is looking at alternatives to gain China exposure from resources and currencies to debt and non-Chinese equities.

A long-time China play has been through commodities and within the commodity basket, copper has been the traditional choice.

The red metal is important both for infrastructure development and improving energy efficiency. In recent years it has been a decent proxy for Chinese industrial output, and that looks set to continue.

In 2000, China bought 12 per cent of the world’s copper. In 2009 that had risen to 40 per cent, according to research from Macquarie. Similarly, lead is a substance in short supply but in high demand in China, says Kevin Norrish at BarCap. China now buys 43.5 per cent of the world’s supply, and recent efforts to reduce pollution in major cities have forced a number of smelters to close, helping to put pressure on domestic supply.

China’s booming market for cars and electric bikes should guarantee strong demand, the key question is how much lead China can supply without the need for major imports.

Morgan Stanley’s China commodity pick is coal – China’s growing demand has seen it turn net importer in recent years, while neighbouring producer countries, such as Mongolia, are looking into new projects to exploit that rising trend.

In the agricultural sector BarCap favours corn. While China’s rising incomes haven’t seen its population significantly turn to coffee or chocolate – it has seen a rising appetite for meat. As corn is used both for human consumption and animal feed, it is a good proxy for changing dietary habits.

“China has for many years been a net exporter of corn, but it is now starting to flip between imports and exports. We believe these are the first steps on a journey that will eventually see China shift to being an importer of corn on a structural basis,” Mr Norrish says.

For China followers, commodities have a strong appeal as veteran investor Jim Rogers explains: “[They] are the best way to gain Chinese exposure, because one does not need to worry about central banks, corporate governance, financial statements, etc, and China must buy most commodities.”

By contrast, corporate debt in China can pose major challenges for investors with recovery rates following default almost impossible to gauge.

“When it comes to creditors’ rights for corporate bonds, China ranks the lowest in Asia,” says Esther Chan, debt portfolio manager at Aberdeen Asset Management. “The bankruptcy process for creditors is unproven, and past experience doesn’t give investors much comfort. Countries like Indonesia who have been through prior crises are more creditor-friendly”.

Meanwhile, the few, well-established Chinese companies that issue debt are starting to look expensive, say analysts. Parkson, the department store chain, has seen yields drop from over 7 per cent to about 4.5 per cent. And less direct plays, such as bonds issued by Brazilian steelmakers, are starting to lose their China bias as the Brazil’s domestic growth story takes off.

 

Instead, Ms Chan now looks for China exposure through bonds of property companies.

“If you are willing to weather the volatility from policymakers’ attempts to slow real estate growth, keep a longer-term horizon and invest only in the top quality issuers of the Chinese real estate sector; the risk return profile of Chinese property bonds is very attractive and provides exposure to the growing wealth of the middle class in China,” Ms Chan says.

In the currency markets, the Aussie dollar remains the most favoured China play (see chart). It is well plugged in to the development of China’s domestic economy – Australia provides the raw materials needed for construction and infrastructure, rather than the components used for exports, like nearby South Korea and Taiwan.

For equity investors there are still some ways of buying into domestic growth, even in western markets, but investors are looking at individual companies.

Recent research from Jonathan Garner of Morgan Stanley into macro- economic shifts in China points to a number of big multinational stocks that look set to benefit from rising wages and changing spending patterns in China.

Those are mainly globally established brands, such as Nike, Yum! Brands, Unilever, H&M and L’Oréal, that target middle-income consumers. The potential for these companies is unprecedented – Mr Garner projects that by 2020, there will be more households with a disposable income of over $10,000 in Bric countries than in the US and the eurozone combined, with most of that growth coming from China.

The message from the investment community seems to be that, while direct exposure to Chinese growth through the stock market remains tricky, there are still plenty of ways to buy the dragon.

 

http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001034317/en