据泄露的美国外交文件显示，中国官员曾向外国同僚表示，北京方面可能最终接受朝鲜半岛统一到首尔的控制下。
维基解密(WikiLeaks)网站周二发表的报告，推翻了外界这样一个观感，即中国在维持朝鲜半岛现状方面的立场是绝对的，尽管北京方面拒绝谴责平壤上周炮击韩国一个岛屿，并在3月份击沉韩国一艘军舰。
在今年早些时候的一封外交电报中，时任韩国副外长千英宇(Chun Yung-woo)告诉美国驻韩大使，不止一名中国官员已向他保证，"就安全屏障而言，朝鲜现在对中国几乎已经没有什么价值"。
许多分析人士表示，北京方面支持朝鲜金正日政权，是为了防止韩国活跃的民主社会延伸至中国边界，引发社会不安定。
根据上述电报，现任韩国总统李明博(Lee Myung-bak)国家安全顾问的千英宇表示，金正日政权在2006年试爆核弹头后，中国对其作为一道安全屏障的兴趣有所减弱。中国官员还告诉千英宇，只要美军留在目前的韩国领土，他们可以接受统一的朝鲜半岛。
不过，千英宇的言论也流露出一些疑问，即"开明的中国官员"的这些观点，是否代表北京的主流意见。金正日在中国共产党和军队高层得到相当大的支持。
说明这一点的例证之一是，千英宇形容中国的朝鲜问题特使武大伟是一名"只会讲马克思主义套话的傲慢的前红卫兵，对朝鲜一无所知，对核不扩散事务一无所知，而且难以沟通，因为他不懂英语"。
类似的分歧在公共生活中也相当明显。一些老一代的中国人记得1950-53年朝鲜战争时期共同奋斗和牺牲的感觉。但中国与朝鲜的联系使许多较年轻的中国人想起毛泽东时代动荡的几十年。
千英宇表示，他预期，病中的金正日过世后，朝鲜政权只能维持两到三年。此言透露了首尔方面的战略思路。
另一份文件援引中国驻哈萨克斯坦大使程国平的话称，朝鲜的核武活动是"对全世界安全的威胁"。程国平希望韩朝"在长期内实现和平统一，但……预期两国在短期内将保持独立"。
针对朝鲜对韩国的炮击，中国提议举行紧急磋商，但日本、美国和韩国表示，朝鲜不应由于暴力行为而得到奖赏。
译者/何黎
http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001035811
Chinese officials have told international counterparts Beijing could ultimately accept a Korean peninsula unified under Seoul's control, according to leaked US diplomatic dispatches.
Reports published on the WikiLeaks website on Tuesday counter the perception that China's defence of the status quo on the Korean peninsula is absolute in spite of Beijing's refusal to condemn Pyongyang for shelling a South Korean island last week and sinking one of Seoul's warships in March.
In a diplomatic cable earlier this year, Chun Yung-woo, then South Korea's vice-foreign minister, told the US ambassador to Seoul that Chinese officials had assured him North Korea "now had little value to China as a buffer state".
Many analysts say Beijing supports the regime of Kim Jong-il in North Korea to prevent South Korea's lively democracy from reaching China's border and inspiring social unrest.
According to the dispatch, Mr Chun, now national security adviser to Lee Myung-bak, South Korea's president, said China was less keen on Mr Kim as a buffer after he tested a nuclear warhead in 2006. The Chinese officials also told Mr Chun they could accept a unified peninsula as long as US troops remained in what is currently South Korea.
However, Mr Chun's remarks also revealed doubts about whether such views from "sophisticated Chinese officials" were mainstream in Beijing. Kim Jong-il has considerable favour in the upper echelons of the Chinese Communist party and army.
Illustrating this point, Mr Chun described Wu Dawei, China's special representative on Korea affairs, as an "arrogant, Marx-spouting former Red Guard who knows nothing about North Korea, nothing about non-proliferation and is hard to communicate with because he doesn't speak English".
A similar divide is evident in public life. Some older Chinese remember the sense of joint endeavour and sacrifice of the 1950-53 Korean war. But the ties to Pyongyang remind many younger Chinese of the decades of turbulence under Mao Zedong.
Revealing an insight into Seoul's strategic thinking, Mr Chun said he expected the North Korean regime to survive two or three years beyond the death of the ailing Kim Jong-il.
Cheng Guoping, China's ambassador to Kazakhstan, was quoted in another document as saying North Korea's nuclear activities were a "threat to the whole world's security". Mr Cheng hoped for "peaceful reunification in the long term but . . . expects the two countries to remain separate in the short term".
China responded to the shelling of South Korea by proposing emergency talks but Japan, the US and Seoul said North Korea should not be rewarded for violent behaviour.
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