没有人能指责朝鲜滑头。现在，这个“隐士政权”在世界上造成了自己想要的效果：一边在恐惧和憎恨中大声喘息，一边琢磨着如何回应。没有一个政府能被允许炮击邻国、杀死对方的士兵而不受惩罚。韩国、美国和中国都不希望发生战争。但在国际社会已经对朝鲜实施制裁的情况下，这些国家的选择越来越少。
必须对朝鲜当前的挑衅作出回应，但这种回应不能帮助“亲爱的领袖”和他的儿子做宣传，也不能让暴力行为升级。一心关注朝鲜核武能力的美国，迄今拒绝重启六方会谈，而要求平壤方面首先放弃核计划。就目前而言，美国尚不需要响应韩国要求美国把核武器重新部署到韩国的呼吁，美国核武器重回朝鲜半岛将会激怒平壤和北京方面。在目前阶段，美国也不需要打军事牌。外交应当是第一选择。
中国必须停止回避自己的责任。这并非一个新呼吁。比起对核扩散的担忧，中国这个全球第二大经济体其实更担忧朝鲜政权的崩溃：中国与朝鲜有着800多英里的边界，中国也愿意在自己与驻韩美军之间有一个缓冲地带。
中国确实对金家的专横统治行使着影响。朝方依赖中国产品。朝鲜在2006年进行导弹试射后，北京方面加入了国际制裁行列，但与朝鲜的贸易额仍达到每年28亿美元。北京方面坚持以不必要的尊重对待平壤。今年7月，中国拒绝谴责朝鲜袭击一艘韩国军舰并导致46名水兵丧生。
现在是中国更直接地与美国配合、开始对平壤施压的时候了。中国应当公开支持韩美联合海上巡逻、停止接待平壤政权，并且允许朝鲜人投奔自由，而非把他们遣送回去。
国际社会可能存在共识的一个问题是，需要有一份计划，在朝鲜政权崩溃的情况下对付该国的核武能力。这种战略本身就是重要的，但它还可能带来战术优势，因为它将表明各方正开始形成一个统一战线。
朝鲜已成功地把国际社会的注意力吸引到该国及其新的离心机上。如果它对最新挑衅所引发的反应感到满意，那么肯定还会有另一次挑衅。西方和中国现在必须展示共同决心，对付一个愈演愈烈的地区安全威胁。
译者/何黎
http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001035700
North Korea can not be accused of subtlety. The hermit regime now has the world where it wants it: gasping in fear and loathing, wondering how to respond. No state can be allowed to get away with shelling its neighbour and killing their soldiers. South Korea, the US and China do not want war. But with boycotts already in place, they are running out of options.
The current provocation demands a response – but one which does not help the Dear Leader and his son in their propaganda exercise or which escalates the violence. The US, preoccupied with Pyongyang’s nuclear capability, has refused to restart six-country talks until Pyongyang dismantles that programme. It has no need as yet to respond to South Korea’s call to bring back US nuclear weapons, though this would inflame Pyongyang and Beijing.. Nor does the US have to show its hand at this stage regarding military action. Diplomacy should be the first option.
China must stop ducking its responsibility. This is not a new call. The world’s second largest economy is concerned less about nuclear proliferation than regime collapse: it shares 900 miles with North Korea and enjoys the buffer between itself and US troops in South Korea.
China does exercise influence over the Kims’ despotic rule. Pyongyang depends on Chinese goods. Beijing joined international sanctions after North Korea’s 2006 missile test, but trades $2.8bn a year with Pyongyang. Yet Beijing persists in treating Pyongyang with undue respect. In July, it refused to condemn North Korea for attacking a South Korean warship and killing 46 sailors.
It is now time for Beijing to ally itself more directly with Washington to start pressuring Pyongyang. It should publicly endorse joint sea patrols by South Korea and the US, stop hosting the Pyongyang regime and allow North Koreans to defect, not send them back.
One issue the international community may agree on is the need for a plan to deal with Pyongyang’s nuclear capability in the event of the regime’s collapse. Such a strategy is important in its own right. But it could also be of tactical advantge, by signalling the beginnings of a joint front.
Pyongyang has succeeded in drawing attention to itself and its new centrifuges. If it is satisfied with the reaction to the latest provocaion, another will surely follow. The West and China must now show common resolve to confront a growing threat to regional security.
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